Courts
in sentence
754 examples of Courts in a sentence
Trump’s first attempt to implement his travel ban was struck down by the courts, but only after creating havoc at airports, confusion within universities, and disruption of families.
The UMNO’s program has put Sharia law, Sharia courts, and an extensive Islamic bureaucracy in place, a collective effort that has taken on a life of its own.
This new tactic of using third-country civil
courts
to hurt Morocco will only undermine the UN process.
It was and continues to be a critical check against the imprisonment of individuals without oversight by independent
courts.
Like termites, India's Hindu fascists have weakened the foundations of our constitution, parliament, and the
courts
- the backbone of every democracy.
The executive order will provide an early test of the extent to which US
courts
can restrain the Trump presidency.
Judges have temporarily blocked some aspects of the executive order – for example, those detained on arrival in the US under the order may not be deported; but it will be some time before the
courts
resolve all the questions the new prohibitions raise.
South Africa’s
courts
have become a political battleground, as Mbeki and his allies use corruption charges to try to cripple Zuma’s candidacy.
Local culture and traditions not only matter, but they are decisive in shaping the behavior of people – all the more so in developing countries, particularly those that are labeled failed or fragile states, where the
courts
don’t work and regulations, assuming they exist, thus are inadequately enforced.
The investigation into the death in 1980 of ex-president Frei Montalva, the principal opponent of the dictatorship, has advanced but needs to be pursued vigorously in the
courts.
Pinochet’s ability to evade the
courts
cast a dark shadow over the country’s military institutions and made many Chileans wonder how far the country had really gone in its transition to democracy.
Turkey’s highest
courts
rationalize these harsh measures against veiling by invoking the country’s constitutionally mandated secularism, which Kemal Ataturk imposed when he created modern Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman Empire.
What Jones said about Clinton is surely defamation, and she could bring a civil suit against him; but that would be costly and time-consuming, most likely taking years to move through the
courts.
He exulted that Leo’s “Catholic principles on the social question have…passed little by little into the patrimony of all human society…not only in non-Catholic books and journals, but also in legislative halls and
courts
of justice.”
Worrying signs are everywhere: the authority of the
courts
is undermined, the independence of the Constitutional Tribunal is attacked, the civil service corrupted, and prosecutors are politicized.
American schools, courts, and jails consult it daily, in order to determine whether psychiatric treatment is necessary and reimbursable.
(Remarkably, the Obama administration claims that veterans’ right to appeal to the
courts
should be restricted!)
A Human Rights Court for AfricaOne crucial insight to be gained from a century of establishing international
courts
and tribunals is that while momentum is vital, getting things right from the start is equally important.
It can do so because the Court's judgments will be legally binding and thus enforceable in national
courts.
But the price of that rush job is evident: as cases started flowing in, the
courts'
governing statute and rules of procedure and evidence had to be patched on the fly.
For
courts
established by treaty, like the African Court, it will likely prove very hard, if not impossible, to find the majority necessary to support changes.
Moreover, effective
courts
must be politically independent.
Moreover, all countries should recognize the authority of the international courts, such as the International Criminal Court, to facilitate prosecution of those who violate humanitarian law.
According to the case law of national supreme
courts
and the ECHR, discrimination exists only when people in a similar situation are treated differently.
Even though his sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, is now in power, Thaksin is still trying to evade trial in Thai
courts
on a wide array of financial charges.
This would not only remove Pinochet from Chile's political life, but would also permit the
courts
to greatly expedite the trial against him.
That is why bankruptcy
courts
and bonds with collective-action clauses (CACs) seek to impose on all bondholders, including potential holdouts, agreements accepted by a qualified majority of creditors.
More important, years later, US
courts
accepted a novel interpretation of the pari passu clause advanced by holdout creditors (and rejected by virtually all other mainstream participants and practitioners in sovereign finance).
At the same time, Bush has systematically packed the federal
courts
with judges chosen for their readiness to defer to presidential power.
The common
courts
and Supreme Court now have their own independent institutional basis in law.
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