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Court in sentence

1770 examples of Court in a sentence

All, that is, except for a few holdouts who bought up the remaining bonds on the cheap and went to court, specifically to the US District Court of the Southern District of New York, asking to be paid in full.
Resuscitating ideas advanced in the wake of Argentina’s earlier default, some experts proposed creating an international bankruptcy court in the IMF.
But experience has shown that bondholders are not inclined to subordinate their claims to some untested international bankruptcy court.
Establishing an international bankruptcy court would be a far more efficient solution, but that doesn’t make it feasible.
Moreover, the court has given no explanation of why it is allowing him to be tried on the same embezzlement charge that of which he was acquitted in 2003.
The Scaremongers of the RoundtableCHICAGO – How often do you see capitalists screaming and even going to court to defend the principle that legitimate owners cannot exercise any control over their property?
The company has a controversial past, faces a pending dispute with tax authorities, and is a party to several court cases involving the Chilean government.
At that point, the court of public opinion, at the very least, can render its judgement on their actions.
Moreover, Trump’s actions will be challenged in court, and he will almost surely lose.
When the court finally convicts Bo – and he is certain to be convicted – he will probably face a prison term similar to that of former Shanghai Party Secretary Chen Liangyu, who received 18 years, or former Beijing Party Secretary Chen Xitong, who was sentenced to 16 years.
When Bo appears in court, his pleas will not be so persuasive.
The Vultures’ VictoryNEW YORK – A recent decision by a United States appeals court threatens to upend global sovereign-debt markets.
Abraham Lincoln suspended the right of habeas corpus – the principle that detainees are entitled to challenge their detention in a court of law – during the Civil War, and Franklin Roosevelt interned Japanese-American citizens during the early days of World War II.
Many interviewees were dealt with in a perfunctory manner, with extraordinarily short interviews – ten minutes – which caused at least one potential Constitutional Court candidate to decline nomination shortly before the latest deadline for nominations to the court (the previous deadline had to be extended, owing to a lack of qualified applicants).
Other potential nominees say bluntly that they do not want to be members of a court led by Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng, citing “over-promotion” of those with modest credentials and professional experience at the expense of more qualified candidates.
One case is an attempt to force Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani’s administration to reopen proceedings in a Swiss court that were examining charges of money-laundering and misuse of public funds by President Asif Ali Zardari.
If such negotiation cannot be achieved voluntarily, US firms can use Chapter 11 of the bankruptcy code, under which a court supervises and approves the reorganization of liabilities.
In Britain, Lord John Browne, the chief executive who transformed BP from a second-tier European oil company into a global giant, resigned after admitting he had lied in court about the circumstances in which he had met a gay companion (apparently, he met him through a male escort agency).
On September 12, the court will determine whether the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), Europe’s permanent emergency fund, complies with Germany’s constitution.
And the recent ruling by France’s highest court that the ESM complies with the country’s constitution received little media attention, highlighting its relative insignificance.
But Germany’s court is far more powerful, making it a decisive player in determining Europe’s agenda.
But the court, not German policymakers, has the final say regarding further fiscal integration.
Recently, some economists and politicians have begun to take notice of the Karlsruhe factor, but most of them mistakenly expect the court to create rules for resolving the crisis.
In fact, guidelines were established last September, when the court ruled on which aspects of the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) – the precursor to the ESM and the eurozone’s current temporary emergency fund – were unacceptable, and laid out criteria that any potential solution must meet.
For example, the court determined that the German parliament would have to be consulted each time a member country requested assistance, asserting that fiscal sovereignty forms the core of national sovereignty.
Likewise, the court has prohibited the creation of a permanent European stability mechanism that would entail financial obligations over which Germany’s parliament had no direct control.
Given strong public support for the constitutional court, no German policymaker would consider challenging its verdict.
Moreover, the court decided long ago that only the German public – not the government – may transfer fiscal sovereignty to Brussels.
Rather than waste time debating proposals that have no chance of being approved, economists and policymakers should be working within the parameters established by the German court.
The judgment is the largest ever awarded by the arbitration court, and it cannot be appealed.
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