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Corporations in sentence

1132 examples of Corporations in a sentence

The expansion of the state’s control of the Russian economy has been driven by a proliferation of state-owned corporations, whose gross liabilities now amount to 150% of GDP.
Russia’s big state-owned corporations are, for the most part, controlled – with considerable lack of transparency – by management that has been appointed by Putin personally.
Indeed, with the expansion of the large state corporations, many of them in the hands of cronies, competition has drastically diminished in many sectors.
Even proposed measures to raise fiscal revenues – such as the privatization of minority shares in seven state-owned corporations – will likely be done in a way that favors his cronies.
For example, powerful groups and transnational corporations (such as the World Economic Forum, General Electric, and Rio Tinto) are gaining influence within the G-20, the G-7, and the BRICS, whose members compete among themselves for access to resources and markets.
Big banks and corporations have been bailed out, but households have not.
One explanation is that the Democrats (and center-left parties in Western Europe) became too cozy with big finance and large corporations.
It is little wonder that corporations and investors have been happy.
This traditional Republican embrace of trickle-down supply-side economics will mostly favor corporations and wealthy individuals, while doing almost nothing to create jobs or raise blue-collar workers’ incomes.
His erratic foreign policies are spooking world leaders, multinational corporations, and global markets generally.
To that end, it must balance its imports and exports, while leveling the playing field for foreign corporations operating within its market by eliminating the incentives for local governments to compete for FDI regardless of cost, or to engage in other forms of undue intervention.
But the implications of allowing a few global corporations to wield such vast market power extend further.
The ability of large corporations to underprice natural resources also encourages excessive extraction, pollution, and environmental degradation – outcomes that they disingenuously present as the “price of development.”
No, the CEOs at Davos were licking their lips at the tax legislation that Trump and congressional Republicans recently pushed through, which will deliver hundreds of billions of dollars to large corporations and the wealthy people who own and run them – people like Trump himself.
For the CEOs of Davos, it seems that tax cuts for the rich and their corporations, along with deregulation, is the answer to every country’s problems.
And one of the key reasons why our environment is in such a precarious condition is that corporations have not, on their own, lived up to their social responsibilities.
Today, the treaty covers 90% of the world’s population and has contributed to a significant decline in sales for global tobacco corporations.
These giant corporations have begun to control local seed companies through buyouts, joint ventures, and licensing arrangements, leading to seed monopolies.
For farmers, this means higher costs; for seed corporations, higher profits.
The creation of seed monopolies is based on the deregulation of seed corporations, including giving them oversight over bio-safety.
A pest control technology that fails to control pests might be good for seed corporations that are also agrichemical corporations.
The types of corporations that will succeed, the buildings that are constructed, and the research and development that will be needed all depend on the demographics of demand.
A recent study by researchers at the LSE reveals that the Internet has increased inequality, with educated, high-income people deriving the greatest benefits online and multinational corporations able to grow massively – while evading accountability.
The capitalists in question are nothing short of the upper echelon of corporate America: the Business Roundtable, a powerful group composed of the CEOs of major US corporations, which promotes pro-business public policies.
As soon as it did, America’s corporations picked up their legal headquarters and moved next door to Delaware.
If local banks suffer a run, or if corporations have trouble rolling over their debt, they need to be able to borrow dollars from the local central bank, which in turn may have no choice but to get those dollars from the Fed.
But the Supreme Court made achieving that much harder with its controversial Citizens United decision in 2010, when it held that campaign donations – even from corporations – are a protected form of free speech.
All 50 states require disclosure for contributions to campaigns for state offices, 39 states have a cap for individual contributions, and 22 states prohibit corporations from contributing to political campaigns altogether.
The problem with the American myth is that this rural idyll of perfect individual liberty, this state of nature, as it were, cannot possibly be maintained in a highly organized state of banks, courts, business corporations, and legislatures.
Clearly, the idea that large corporations precisely calculate the interest rate at which they are willing to undertake investment – and that they would be willing to undertake a large number of projects if only interest rates were lowered by another 25 basis points – is absurd.
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