Corporations
in sentence
1132 examples of Corporations in a sentence
If you can sit through this mess without wanting to vomit, i would say you either agreed with the slanted view of the world (that
corporations
are EVIL) or you hadnt gotten any sleep the night before and passed out during the film.
The film winds up "proving" how evil
corporations
are by linking American
corporations
with Nazi Germany.
So, this is the best I could figure out: The government is evil, large
corporations
are evil, aids is killing blacks and whites don't care, (these are the easy ones) then I guess that Spike is trying to say something about fatherless black children which is hard to understand, then I guess he also has an opinion on sperm donation, but what is it?
"The Edukators" is one way of doing all those things from the cinema screen by telling the story of three rebel young guys that won't stay and look without doing a thing while the big
corporations
destroy this world and turn us into working-hard zombies.
To be sure, multinational
corporations
enjoy flexibility in transfer pricing and can exert pressure at the time they make new investment decisions, but their flexibility doesn’t compare to the freedom enjoyed by international portfolio investors.
Moreover, even if
corporations
in the US are not hiring,
corporations
elsewhere are.
Meanwhile, US
corporations
will probably move production elsewhere to avoid retaliatory tariffs, as some – such as Harley-Davidson – have already threatened to do.
More to the point, US
corporations
aren’t hoarding trillions of dollars in cash and refusing to make capital investments because the tax rate is too high, as Trump and congressional Republicans claim.
For example,
corporations
plow overseas profits back into their operations, often to avoid paying the high US corporate income tax implied by repatriating those earnings.
For example, US multinational
corporations
sometimes over-invoice import bills or under-report export earnings to reduce their tax obligations.
Individuals and private organizations – including WikiLeaks, multinational corporations, NGOs, terrorists, or spontaneous social movements – have been empowered to play a direct role.
Consider the smart-phone industry, in which
corporations
like Apple, Samsung, Sony, Nokia, and Huawei compete fiercely to secure their global market shares.
It gets financial support from more than 20
corporations
and philanthropies, including the Gates Foundation, along with $10 million from the US Department of Education.
Although such restructuring so far often takes the form of mergers and bankruptcy, a great many SOEs have been converted into some kind of share-holding corporations, with the majority of shares held by workers in the firms.
Motivating
corporations
to do the right thing is even more difficult.
After all,
corporations
don't have a conscience; it is only the conscience of those who run the corporation, and as America's recent corporate scandals have made all too clear, conscience often takes a backseat to profits.
Firms are in a far better position than consumers to assess the safety of their product; we all benefit knowing that our legal system has provided
corporations
with incentives to pay attention to the safety of what they produce.
In World War II, German
corporations
were all too willing to profit from the slave labor of those in concentration camps, and Swiss banks were happy to pocket the gold of Jewish victims of Nazi terror.
Today, we believe that individuals, corporations, and institutions should be held accountable for their actions.
The Truth and Reconciliation process may or may not work to heal South Africa's wounds, but if
corporations
are to be provided with incentives to do the right thing, they must now pay the price for the profits that they reaped from that abhorrent system.
If
corporations
had a conscience, they would act, without being forced to do so: they would estimate their profit from the Apartheid system and pay it back to the country, with interest.
But it is to be hoped that the West's legal systems will provide an alternative recourse, one that will not only partially redress past injustices, but provide incentives for
corporations
to think twice before profiting from brutal regimes in the future.
They overwhelmingly believe that Germany will not benefit economically, that lower-skill workers’ wages will suffer, that large
corporations
will gain power at the expense of consumers, that data and environmental protection will be compromised, and that citizens’ rights will be undermined.
Clinton created the Global Partnership Initiative to build as many coalitions, networks, and partnerships as possible with corporations, foundations, NGOs, universities, and other civic organizations.
The proposal would allow all future foreign profits of US
corporations
to be repatriated without any extra tax.
The International Monetary Fund, which tends to adopt a conservative posture on such matters (not least to avoid antagonizing powerful governments), estimates that 15% of Chinese loans to nonfinancial
corporations
are at risk.
With nonfinancial corporations’ debt currently standing at 150% of GDP, the book value of the bad loans could be a quarter of national income.
Tax avoidance by big
corporations
and wealthy individuals, which by some estimates cost poor countries $200 billion a year, is a case in point.
But the right will have none of this, and instead is pushing for even more tax cuts for
corporations
and the wealthy, together with expenditure cuts in investments and social protection that put the future of the US economy in peril and that shred what remains of the social contract.
Back in the 1970’s, there was some limited issuance of SDR-denominated liabilities by commercial banks and SDR-denominated bonds by
corporations.
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