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Corporations in sentence

1132 examples of Corporations in a sentence

As a result, big international corporations and Wall Street banks now flock to China, bypassing Taiwan.
Large numbers of states and corporations have announced that they will proceed with their commitments – and perhaps go even further, offsetting the failures of other parts of the US.
As the list is made public, governments, corporations, and organizations should be encouraged to banish the named persons, lest their reputations be tarnished.
And corporations and civil-society groups have made their resistance to the PiS known.
International banks lent hundreds of billions of dollars to Asian banks and corporations, much on a short-term basis.
Yet, while hard cases tend to make bad law and it is too early to judge, the LIA should be a wake-up call for corporations and funds both in the Middle East and around the globe.
The free flow of capital from these regions’ SWFs to corporations in the advanced countries is crucial in order to balance the global economy and provide liquidity to financial markets, especially given the prospect of another recession in the West.
Both governments and corporations should internalize the message and learn from the Libyan example.
A clear set of rules on feed procurement would eliminate international imbalances in nutrients, and diminish the power of multinational agricultural biotechnology corporations like Monsanto.
Moreover, the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision in 2010, which allows unlimited independent political expenditure by organizations like corporations or unions, has helped Romney more than Obama.
Finally, and worst of all, Trump thinks that bullying corporations, such as Ford and Carrier, and aiding others, such as Google, will boost output and employment.
Rather than scaring global corporations and their home states, China would retain strong political support abroad – and the financing that it needs for its continued development.
The TPP’s most controversial provision, if adopted, would allow private corporations to sue foreign governments for adopting policies that adversely affect their expected profits.
For instance, corporations, especially in the financial sector, reward too many executives richly despite mediocre performance.
The Financial Times’ Alphaville column recently dismissed the case for transferring a block of shares from Big Tech corporations, like Google, to a public trust fund by misrepresenting the underlying argument as a failure to appreciate what Google has done for us.
And much attention has been devoted, often in nearby opinion pieces, to the view that hyperactive equities markets, particularly in the US and the United Kingdom, push large corporations to focus disproportionately on short-term financial results at the expense of long-term investments in their countries’ economies.
In any case, while concern with corporate short-termism has arrived on the US judicial agenda, judges in America (or elsewhere, for that matter) are not well positioned to weigh economic evidence that is far from clear regarding the sources, extent, and even the direction of short-term thinking in large corporations.
Second, high finance provides an arena to curb the worst abuses by managers of large corporations.
This was easily accomplished, given Bolivia's memory of its losses: the loss of its seacoast to Chile in the War of the Pacific in 1879, of coca crops to the US eradication program, and the country's mineral wealth to transnational corporations.
These include threats, intimidation, detention, sexual harassment, and violent attacks by governments, corporations, security forces, or other third parties with a stake in where aid funds end up.
As Global Witness makes clear, the presence of development aid in many of these projects allows for interested parties, such as governments and corporations, to demonize environmental defenders as “anti-development” and therefore unpatriotic.
Because recipient governments and corporations rely on international financial institutions not just for money, but also for technical assistance and policy advice, these institutions are well positioned to change the culture of development to allow for a safer and more productive process.
A substantial share of the corporations holding large debts are state-owned, and are thus more subject to policy than they are to markets.
Third, the free-trade zone should encourage multinational corporations (MNCs) to expand their Chinese operations beyond factories;China should be home to their design, distribution, and service divisions as well.
I, for one, remember how low the net-worth ratio for Japanese corporations was 15 years ago – below 20%, compared to more than 30% in Europe and the US.
Moreover, in our age of hyper-globalization, large non-financial corporations have also emerged as a rentier class.
Non-financial corporations have entered the rent-seeking game through a number of channels.
We used these data to estimate the extent to which large non-financial corporations’ profits exceeded typical annual sectoral profit performance since 1995.
But private corporations undertake only about half of all agricultural research, whether or not it involves genetic engineering.
But maybe those who oppose private seed corporations are really against capitalism and the market economy rather than GM seed.
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