Consumption
in sentence
2633 examples of Consumption in a sentence
By some reckonings, more than two-thirds of the increase in output and employment over the past six years has been real estate-related, reflecting both new housing and households borrowing against their homes to support a
consumption
binge.
Consumption
of such products continues to rise – not least because of multi-billion dollar global advertising campaigns.
Over the last decade, global soft-drink sales have doubled; per capita alcohol
consumption
has risen; and tobacco use has increased.
The main risk factors for developing these conditions – smoking tobacco, excessive alcohol consumption, being overweight, and insufficient physical exercise – reflect deeply ingrained unhealthy behaviors.
As the United Kingdom’s National Grid operators have found, a small decline in electricity
consumption
does not translate into less energy being pumped into the grid, and therefore will not reduce emissions.
In 2011, China’s energy
consumption
climbed 9.7%, reaching 3.7 billion metric tons of standard coal equivalent – the fastest growth rate since 2007.
Likewise, societies that defer instant
consumption
in order to save and invest for the future will enjoy higher future incomes and greater retirement security.
(When American economists advise China to boost
consumption
and cut saving, they are merely peddling the bad habits of American culture, which saves and invests far too little for America’s future.)
The result is inadequate global demand (global investments falling short of global saving at full employment) and highly volatile short-term capital flows to finance
consumption
and real estate.
The mainstream macroeconomic advice to China – boost domestic
consumption
and overvalue the renminbi to cut exports – fails the marshmallow test.
Indeed, with domestic oil
consumption
growing at a higher rate than production, government revenues from oil exports are already in decline.
As for fiscal measures, the empirical evidence suggests that three-quarters of
consumption
is based on longer-term economic prospects, not short-run disposable income.
There is talk of moving resources from investment to consumption, from heavy industry to “services,” and from private sector to public sector.
Indeed, the single-minded focus on raising domestic
consumption
is likely to distract China’s leaders from other policies needed for a good economy.
By this they mean mainly ample
consumption
and ample leisure, together with public goods – for example, clean air, safe food, and safe streets – and civic amenities such as municipal parks and sports stadiums.
Another dear friend, Amartya Sen, points out that economists’ focus on
consumption
leaves out people’s need to “do things.”
In the absence of nuclear-energy revival, most of us will be forced to reduce our direct energy
consumption.
This helps boost private
consumption
and investment.
The other path holds great opportunity: America can adopt a new growth strategy – moving away from excess
consumption
toward a model based on saving and investing in people, infrastructure, and capacity.
After all, there can be no reliance on domestic
consumption
or private investment to turn the tide.
At the same time, much-touted reforms to rebalance growth from fixed investment to
consumption
are being postponed until President Xi Jinping consolidates his power.
Nonetheless, they are slowing down capital spending and consumption, given the option value of waiting during uncertain times.
Falling entry barriers and lower access costs have significantly democratized participation, whether in production or
consumption.
This should spur a stock-market rebound, boost household consumption, weaken the yen’s exchange rate, and halt deflation.
As a result, the country is struggling to shift to a more sustainable growth model, underpinned by a thriving services sector and strong domestic
consumption.
More recently, many advanced countries have discovered a “new” set of growth models with built-in structural limitations: excessive private or public consumption, or both, usually accompanied and enabled by rising debt and inflated asset prices, and a corresponding decline in investment.
Perhaps the largest long-run sustainability issue concerns the adequacy of the global economy’s natural-resource base: output will more than triple over the coming two or three decades, as high-growth developing economies’ four billion people converge toward advanced-country income levels and
consumption
patterns.
If countries decide to cut their emissions, they will have to reduce their
consumption
of fossil fuels, in particular oil.
If the sheikhs are stubborn and continue to extract as much as they had planned to extract without the G8’s restraint, the price of fuels will fall sufficiently to induce so much extra
consumption
among the non-participating countries that the net effect on aggregate CO2 emissions will be nil.
They will therefore speed up rather than reduce production, in order to avoid selling their oil when anxiety about CO2 peaks and the artificial measures of the signing countries to reduce their
consumption
have dampened the oil price most.
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