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Consensus in sentence

1479 examples of Consensus in a sentence

IMF forecasts are typically a good proxy for the global consensus.
The absence of such a cushion highlights lingering vulnerability, rather than signaling newfound resilience – not exactly the rosy scenario embraced by today’s smug consensus.
The government is rapidly isolating itself from the regional, civic, and political opposition that, little by little, has been rising to causes such as autonomy, pluralism, the need for consensus, and freedom of expression.
China will work for a global consensus on climate change.
This is supposed to enable them to reach consensus "and ultimately generate recommendations."
And with Bolton now ensconced in the West Wing, the consensus is that only Mattis stands between Trump and military overreach.
And the episode served to reinforce an international consensus that countries’ monetary policy should focus on domestic price stability while letting exchange rates float freely.
This consensus has been maintained through a long period in which exchange rates between the major Western currencies have been allowed to find their own level.
There are now signs that the consensus reigning in Western central banks for the last two decades is being challenged.
The 6.9% annualized increase just reported for the second quarter exceeds the 6.7% rise in 2016 and is well above the consensus of international forecasters who, just a few months ago, expected growth to be closer to 6.5% this year, and to slow further, to 6%, in 2018.
Indeed, there is still no consensus that this needs to be done.
The consensus reflects the fact that the United States is currently the only major economy where growth prospects are improving.
Given this, only a change in fundamentals – the US economy outperforms the consensus forecast and the Fed initiates monetary tightening earlier than anticipated, or other economies’ performance is even worse than expected – would cause the dollar to strengthen further.
Uribe, a former Liberal, appears on the verge of forging a new consensus – embodied in his First Colombia movement, a bloc of six Uribista parties – that embraces the sort of modernizing economics and liberal democratic politics that has characterized much of the West for the past 25 years.
Uribe’s victory, and the emerging political consensus that it reflects, was remarkable for its peacefulness, in contrast to the violence that left-wing guerrillas unleashed when he won the presidency four years ago.
But for Uribe’s consensus to outlast him and become a truly viable model for the continent, he knows that he must win the hearts and minds of Colombia’s disaffected rural population.
Rather, it has taken topics one at a time, seeking to reach consensus separately on each: the completion of efforts undertaken by the 2010 South Korean presidency to strengthen multilateral liquidity-provision schemes; the strengthening of multilateral surveillance; the appropriate use of capital controls; and a change in the composition of the basket of currencies that comprise the International Monetary Fund’s Special Drawing Rights, a unit of account that was once expected to evolve into a global store of value.
Yet, despite wide agreement on these matters, there is little consensus about how to address them.
Both boldness and consensus are urgently needed, and those who doubt that Europe is capable of either can take heart from two recent European Commission decisions: a politically ambitious proposal to force the complete separation of networks of pipelines and wires from the companies that supply gas and electricity; and a proposal that Gazprom and other non-EU businesses can control Union energy assets only if they meet tough new conditions, including reciprocal access to, say, Russia’s market for EU energy companies.
If the new leadership bases its decision-making on a national consensus – and under a governance framework that ensures transparency, disclosure, and accountability – the curse will be cast off.
But the sanctions-based approach didn’t work even when there was an international consensus behind it.
In economics, however, President Putin has been a stealthy reformer yearning for consensus.
By implicating Ishayev (a representative of the old and the cautious) into the process, Putin created the appearance of consensus, but in reality demonstrated that there is no valid economic alternative to a liberal course.
And it seems that this agenda has captured a deep, if mostly unspoken vein of popular feeling – a consensus that something has been amiss in “broken Britain,” and that something needs to be done about it.
What this requires is a sustainable consensus that includes all the parties involved.
This will require a regional consensus that only the US can bring about.
Such a conception stabilizes social cooperation within Europe because it reflects a basic normative consensus on the design of institutions and thus orients individual behavior toward preserving these institutions.
Every once in a while, a profession (most frequently, economics) determines that it has reached a consensus on how to solve a problem.
It is thus imperative that governments and donors invest in building an expert consensus on how best to measure mental health and implement those methods globally, including in low-resource settings.
Last week’s Oslo Summit on Education for Development confirmed the growing consensus within the global education community about what must be done to honor that pledge.
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