Consensus
in sentence
1479 examples of Consensus in a sentence
The
consensus
nowadays is that the US economy is growing steadily, with the leading indicators pointing toward further expansion, and labor-market data surpassing expectations.
They now accept political contributions from big business, and have accordingly adopting the language of common prosperity and “consensus politics,” leaving the many working people who do not share in that prosperity and
consensus
feeling disregarded and displaced.
When I was a member of the French government participating in a global tour to build
consensus
for climate action – an effort that eventually culminated in the Paris agreement – I experienced firsthand what American leadership can achieve.
The resulting political firestorm may well force Zuma to rely on core support from key allies within the country’s trade union movement and Communist Party, challenging the political elite’s pro-market
consensus
and provoking debate over the future of South Africa’s economic policy.
But Plan A is not working: its intended participants, most notably France, are rejecting it, and there is an emerging southern European
consensus
that austerity is not the solution.
Significant top-down political reform must meet two conditions: a strong, determined leader with an innovative new vision, and sufficient
consensus
among top officials on the goals of reform and how to achieve them.
As a result, no
consensus
is emerging on the direction and content of needed political reform.
The Survivalist in the KremlinWASHINGTON, DC – Vladimir Putin’s improbable rise to the pinnacle of Russian power in 1999-2000 was partly the result of an elite
consensus
about the importance of restoring order to the Russian state after a decade of domestic crisis and international humiliation.
Beyond that defensive attitude, lack of policy
consensus
has resulted in a preference for the status quo.
Thus, the
consensus
view that the global economy will soon bottom out has proven – once again – to be overly optimistic.
Her argument is, of course, a classic example of sour grapes; the entire point of a two-round voting system is to force parties and their supporters to seek a
consensus
and form partnerships.
Their statehood is weak, their leadership often weaker, and they lack the
consensus
about their European destiny that enabled difficult reforms in Poland, Slovakia, and the Baltic States to be pursued.
For starters, there remains a broad
consensus
across the developed and emerging economies on the desirability of maintaining a relatively open global economy.
Netanyahu threatens to upend Obama’s carefully constructed international
consensus
concerning sanctions and containment of Iran – a
consensus
that averts regional mayhem.
For today’s European leaders, the central lesson of 1989 is that force is counterproductive; what matters is
consensus.
This lack of
consensus
on the nature of the problem arguably hinders agreement on a solution.
The institute’s director, Thomas R. Insel, cited DSM-5’s “lack of validity,” saying that its “diagnoses are based on a
consensus
about clusters of clinical symptoms, not any objective laboratory measure.”
Today, that
consensus
is clearly missing (whether it ever truly existed is dubious).
The lack of
consensus
on basic features of an economic framework – be it a retirement age commensurate with Europe’s demographic outlook or a legislative commitment to budgetary discipline – makes one wonder how eurozone countries could enter a monetary union in the first place.
For at least two decades, most investors accepted the
consensus
among economists and political scientists that the world was getting smaller and more integrated.
All this tinkering could be done because there was an extraordinary
consensus
in the UN Security Council on the need not to delay the trials.
There must be a renewed diplomatic push to build
consensus
– first among external powers, and then among the warring parties – on what Syria will look like in the future.
Yet there are a number of areas of
consensus
where the EU can push ahead.
The broad pro-European
consensus
of the past has been replaced by a resurgent nationalism.
There is really no
consensus
on whether Afghanistan is a “winnable” war, and whether the Bush administration’s “war on terror” set the West on a long-term course that may prove comparable in scale to the Cold War.
In both domestic and in international terms, Israel has not so much moved to the center as it has embraced a new type of national
consensus
that began to emerge in 2011.
The new
consensus
was best symbolized by the massive popular protests that erupted two months later, bringing together young, economically frustrated, mainly middle-class Israelis who might once have been politically divided by their allegiance to either the center-left Labor party or Netanyahu’s Likud.
Complacency Will Be Tested in 2018NEW HAVEN – After years of post-crisis despair, the broad
consensus
of forecasters is now quite upbeat about prospects for the global economy in 2018.
While I have great respect for the forecasting community and the collective wisdom of financial markets, I suspect that today’s
consensus
of complacency will be seriously tested in 2018.
In this context, it’s important to stress that the world economy may not be nearly as resilient as the
consensus
seems to believe – raising questions about whether it can withstand the challenges coming in 2018.
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