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Congressional in sentence

511 examples of Congressional in a sentence

Congressional bills aimed at benefiting powerful constituencies are generally given appealing (and misleading) names.
The key question is whether the political gridlock exposed by the debt-ceiling debate will worsen in the run-up to the 2012 presidential and congressional elections – if not beyond.
News of the pending deal caused 50 Congressional Representatives from the US steel caucus to write a letter to Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner calling for an investigation of the threat the deal posed to US national security and American jobs.
Moreover, the Republicans’ uncompromising stance has been reinforced by the extreme position taken by many within its congressional delegation that Planned Parenthood – a health-care provider that primarily serves women – must be defunded as a condition of any budget deal.
This can be measured in public opinion polls, in newspaper editorials, congressional resolutions, summit declarations, and street demonstrations.
Congressional Democrats and Republicans were able to agree by giving each side essentially what it wanted in new spending – without budget cuts or tax increases to offset the impact on the deficit.
Trump’s promise to cut taxes again is widely viewed as a major reason why Republican congressional leaders – and, most important, the party’s big donors – supported him in 2016 and continued to do so.
But the members of Congress also became fearful of Trump’s “base,” which may represent only about a third of the electorate but is very strong in Republican congressional districts and could back a more right-leaning challenger in the party primary.
Nonetheless, the participation rate over the last decade is comparable to average turnout in American congressional elections.
Both parties want to strengthen their hold on as many state-level offices as possible, because the party that controls a state’s governorship and at least one of its legislative chamber gets to oversee how congressional districts are drawn (which happens every ten years).
For example, even though Obama carried Ohio in the last two elections, its current congressional delegation is 75% Republican.
These reserves are put to better use by assisting the IMF in maintaining an open and stable financial system and prevent crises like these from recurringMitt and the MoochersWASHINGTON, DC – The Republican Party has some potentially winning themes for America’s presidential and congressional elections in November.
It is not as if there is any shortage of spineless bootlickers at home, both in Trump’s cabinet and in the Republican congressional leadership.
Last year’s congressional showdown over the federal debt ceiling may have cost the US its AAA sovereign rating with Standard & Poor’s, but the federal government’s borrowing costs are actually lower now than they were then.
Nevertheless, Trump and congressional Republicans have taken steps to bar federal- and state-level funding for Planned Parenthood, an organization that provides vital health-care services to millions of pregnant women and mothers.
This history is worth bearing in mind as we consider the potential global impact of the enormous tax cuts enacted by Trump and congressional Republicans last December.
Let’s hope that by then he will have helped move the consensus permanently among his colleagues – preparing the ground for further congressional action aimed at a serious tightening of safeguards over the financial sector.
The mere fact that tapping SDRs requires Congressional approval in the US ensures that nothing will happen without public pressure – including pressure from the developing countries.
By 2008, in congressional testimony, Greenspan was willing to concede a fatal flaw in his thinking – deregulated financial markets can indeed go badly wrong.
Trump and the congressional Republican majority insist that the proposed tax cuts will be self-financing, because they will spur economic growth, causing revenues to surge.
Not only do the US administration and its federal agencies have to accept that a safety standard established and tested in Frankfurt or Athens is equivalent to its US counterpart; congressional committees must agree.
It is possible that last year’s stock-market boom may have been fueled partly by the expectation that US President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans would cut corporate taxes.
US Treasury Secretary Jack Lew made such an argument in a recent congressional testimony, in the context of explaining why the Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC) should be allowed to consider whether any kind of firm or activity could pose a risk to the broader system.
After all, in Trump’s zero-sum “I win, you lose” view of the world, congressional failures that he can blame on the Democrats are almost as good as White House successes.
Eliot Engel, the incoming chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, has already said that the Democrats may seek congressional authorization for the use of military force in Syria.
First, they could do nothing – apparently the preference of the Republican congressional leadership, which recently wrote to Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke to demand that he not try to stimulate the economy further.
Its influence has been felt not merely because of its role in congressional proceedings, but also because it offers assessments that are widely respected across government, the media, and civil society.
Its estimates of how congressional Republicans’ legislative proposals will affect the country are deeply informed, nonpartisan, and made in good faith.
As Johnson pointed out in his Congressional testimony, “solutions that depend on smarter, better regulatory supervision and corrective action ignore the political constraint on regulation and the political power of big banks.”
This is also the twist that underscores the ultimate congressional hypocrisy.
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