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Congressional in sentence

511 examples of Congressional in a sentence

Congressional representatives and government officials met Jaber and expressed their condolences, but provided no explanations.
Congressional moves to weaken the Dodd-Frank Act, relieving many banks of the requirement to undergo regular stress testing, suggest that this robust health shouldn’t be taken for granted.
In a study of the congressional vote on the McFadden Act of 1927, which sought to boost competition in lending, Rodney Ramcharan of the US Federal Reserve and I found that legislators from districts with a highly unequal distribution of land holdings – farming was the primary source of income in many districts then – tended to vote against the act.
In the early twentieth century, a congressional district’s rich landowners were likely to own the local banks as well, or to be related to, or friends with, bank owners.
A key feature of Trump’s presidency has been his desire to ingratiate himself with guests by offering what he cannot deliver (as he did during a recent meeting with congressional Democrats on immigration).
At the time, I was Senior Policy Adviser for the US House of Representatives’ Committee on Education and Labor – a position that made me the top congressional staff member responsible for upholding labor standards in international trade treaties.
Weisel claimed not to understand, so I explained: A majority of congressional Democrats supported the principle that the United States should sign trade agreements only with countries that are democracies.
Hensarling blamed regulators and excused Wall Street for the financial crisis; condemned government-funded bank bailouts; characterized the 2010 Dodd-Frank financial-reform legislation as a power grab; and called for increased congressional oversight of the Federal Reserve.
ISI is accused of watching over the Pakistani diaspora and of sponsoring unregistered lobbyists working to shape congressional opinion.
The Obama administration called for and received stimulus totaling some $800 billion, a figure well within Stiglitz’s range, despite being politically constrained by the necessity of Congressional approval.
That approach, along with his record as Obamacare’s greatest congressional foe and his displays of religiosity, is clearly working for him.
After reading through the emails, a congressional report found evidence that the Commission’s work was guided by politics rather than fact-finding.
They also hold senior congressional staff positions.
His and congressional Republicans’ attempts to replace the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare), and to curtail the growth in Medicaid spending, have been unsuccessful.
America’s trade and budget imbalances could soon get a lot worse if Trump and congressional Republicans get their way in cutting federal taxes still further.
In the US, polarized politics, gerrymandered Congressional districts, and a constitution that seems to check more than it balances, have obstructed reforms and left the country seemingly adrift in choppy waters.
But congressional Republicans’ decision to scrap the SEC rule, which Trump quickly signed into law, was an act of pure cynicism that helps perpetuate the “corrupt” system that Trump claims he ran against.
And the arguments used by its congressional proxies would be risible had the consequences not been so tragic.
President James K. Polk provoked the Mexican-American war by sending American forces across the disputed Texas frontier without congressional consent.
But they did not go well, bolstering those who declare “enough,” and prompting the question of whether the US president alone – even under the facade of congressional authorizations rather than formal declarations of war – ought to bear the war-making responsibility.
But any attempt to limit the fiscal discretion of America's Federal government in the manner of the Stability Pact-for example, the infamous Gramm/Rudman rules of the Clinton era-always collapse in the end in the face of presidential and congressional pressure.
The 1948 rejection of the Havana Charter (an early attempt to create a global trade organization), congressional hostility to the Bretton Woods institutions, or the refusal by President George W. Bush to ratify the Kyoto Protocol on climate change are just a few examples.
But, while the shutdown of the United States government, initiated by radical congressional Republicans seeking to block implementation of President Barack Obama’s health-care legislation, is over – at least for now – three enduring lessons have emerged.
Honoring all three of those legal obligations simultaneously is impossible if Congress refuses to raise the debt ceiling, but raising the debt ceiling without Congressional approval, though illegal and an impeachable offense, was the least-bad choice.
It is also why a free press that reports these problems, congressional hearings that investigate them, and a recent set of Supreme Court decisions that give detainees legal recourse are also so important.
The states that score worst on these measures are also the states whose congressional representatives voted against Obama’s Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) in 2010, though many of these unhealthy people free-ride on their fellow citizens when they show up uninsured in hospital emergency rooms.
Others see in the decision to postpone the taper an effort to pre-empt the negative effects on the economy of a possible congressional debacle over government funding and the debt limit.
The fourth reflects a desire to insure the economy against congressional dysfunction.
Reforms to alter the boundaries of Congressional districts to make them more competitive would help alleviate this problem, but few incumbent Congressmen will vote for changes that might increase their risk of defeat.
Complicating matters further are the US congressional elections in November.
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