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Communist in sentence

925 examples of Communist in a sentence

Should China’s ruling party still call itself Communist?
Many Chinese do not accept communist rule precisely because the Communist Party denies its past, (and remains) unapologetic about its cruelty.
For Hong Kong, the defining symbol of the Communist government is the killing of students with abandon on June 4, 1989.
Enshrined in the Chinese Communist Party’s constitution are the following words: “Mao Zedong, the Party’s chief representative, created Mao Zedong Thought, which has been proved correct by practice and based on which the Communist Party developed the basic system of socialism economically, politically, and culturally after the founding of the People’s Republic.”
To help finance his communist movement in the 1930’s, Mao squeezed poor peasant families with any assets in the “Red” zone he controlled.
Fifty years of communist misrule have left what was once the most advanced city in Asia a distant also-ran.
China’s communist rulers must own up to their history and drop Mao and the communist legacy.
I feel like some communist true believer who, in the 1930s, suddenly realized that terror existed in the Soviet Union.
As famine spread that summer, Stalin refined his explanation: hunger was sabotage, local Communist activists were the saboteurs, protected by higher authorities, and all were paid by foreign spies.
After the Soviet Union collapsed, the system served as a strategic means for integrating former communist countries into the international capitalist economy.
Discredited by the collapse of the USSR and the Soviet bloc in Eastern Europe, communism is effectively moribund, and its core constituencies – where communist parties manage to hang on – are aging and incapable of reproducing themselves.
Easily understood, it conformed to patterns of behavior most Czechs acquired during the communist era, when public and private spheres of life were rigidly separated.
After a lifetime under the yoke, feudal or communist, freedom is not an easy thing to get used to.
Communist countries, where egalitarian experiments led to economic disaster, long served as “Exhibit A” in the case against redistributive policies.
Indeed, the radical student leaders had no more understanding of democracy than the Communist leaders they opposed.
When East Germans protested against their Communist autocrats in 1989, they were not assured of success either.
The students on Tiananmen Square could not have known what was going on inside the closed Communist regime.
So communist General Albert Makashov’s recent remarks that "the Russian Government should impose quotas on hiring non-ethnic Russians" should not have been surprising.
That the Communist party leader Gennady Zyuganov didn't rebuke Makashov right away, and that the Duma voted against depriving the general of his parliamentary immunity and special rights (it did, however, pass a resolution against stirring up ethnic conflicts, mentioning Makashov by name) probably reflects mental inertia rather than outright support.
For Duma members, the majority being communist, there yet remains the notion that only they, as communists, represent the country.
This focus has, however, smoked out what may be the real target of communist rage: the media.
Another communist Duma deputy, the First Secretary of the city of Moscow’s communist organization, Alexander Kuvaev called for the formation of a special organization to deal with journalists who "sold themselves to the regime, and have become the enemies of the people."
The communist revolution that spanned the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was about concentrating government ownership of capital.
But turning everyone into a capitalist may be as impossible as the communist dream of turning everyone into an inspired socialist worker.
As a reward, he was later made a minister in the Communist government.
If the Marchers had doubts, they conquered them with the help of Communist propaganda.
Just as Czechoslovakia’s communist government once imprisoned Havel for daring to dream of a civil society and a true constitution of liberty for his country, China’s government has imprisoned Liu for attempting something similar, with his Charter 08 appeal, modeled on Czechoslovakia’s Charter 77.
This trend was boosted by the collapse of the Soviet empire, because Western liberal democracies no longer had the same pressing need to counter the Communist model with egalitarian arrangements of their own.
They prepared for inclusion of eight former Communist countries (as well Cyprus and Malta) with almost quasi-religious fervor.
After prolonged hesitation, the West took a step to avoid this threat in Madrid not long ago when it invited three former communist countries to join NATO.
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