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Colonial in sentence

405 examples of Colonial in a sentence

In the colonial era, it was the official purpose of imperial power to extract wealth from the administered territories.
The go-it-alone strategy practiced by most African countries has left them vulnerable to the whims of former colonial powers determined to perpetuate an international division of labor that assigns to Africa the role of supplier of basic products and raw materials, rather than skilled, well-paid labor.
Just as European imperial powers employed gunboat diplomacy to open new markets and colonial outposts, China uses sovereign debt to bend other states to its will, without having to fire a single shot.
Even the terms of the 99-year Hambantota port lease echo those used to force China to lease its own ports to Western colonial powers.
Latin America has been plagued by corruption for centuries, ever since it emerged from what the Mexican poet Octavio Paz called the “patrimonialist” nature of Spanish and Portuguese colonial rule.
Gunboat diplomacy is officially passé, as are foreign administrators, extraterritoriality, colonial economic diktats, and slavery.
After centuries of enslavement and colonial rule, and decades of economic mismanagement or internal conflict, can Africa stage a rapid comeback?
In reality, for them the conflict has come to symbolize the anachronistic perpetuation of an unfair colonial order, to represent their political malaise, and to embody the perceived impossibility of their being masters of their destiny.
The hypocrisy of some of Israel’s critics in no way vindicates its colonial encroachment on Palestinian space, which makes it the last developed, “Western” country occupying and manhandling a non-Western people.
Tribal claims by Hutus against Tutsis (a rivalry long manipulated by Rwanda's colonial rulers) incited genocide and still scar neighboring Burundi.
Every time the EU acts as a colonial usurper, as it did in 2009, it undermines the legitimacy of its good and proper actions and strengthens the xenophobic, anti-European “Nationalist International.”
China, for its part, uses history to justify its efforts to upend the territorial and maritime status quo and emulate the pre-1945 colonial depredations of its rival Japan.
Last month, I visited Western Sahara’s Moroccan-controlled capital, Laayoune – a vibrant and gleaming city born from a dusty Spanish colonial outpost – to examine the sustainability of the operations of OCP Group, on whose international advisory board I serve.
But China’s history of humiliation at the hands of European colonial powers has made its leaders ardent supporters of inviolable national rights and suspicious of any sacrifice of sovereignty.
But his thinking was influenced just as much by oddly nostalgic memories of British colonial discipline and a somewhat self-serving take on Confucianism, stressing obedience to authority, while disregarding the equally Confucian right to dissent.
The political boundaries exist as a legacy of the colonial era, not as the result of cultural realities and economic needs.
The DRC’s history since the withdrawal some half-a-century ago of Belgium, the former colonial master, complicates matters even more.
It is facile to blame the current situation on colonial plunder and post-colonial corruption.
When South Korea was ruled by military strongmen, Korean collaboration with Japanese colonial rule in the first half of the twentieth century was not discussed – partly because some of those strongmen, notably the late Park Chung Hee, had been collaborators themselves.
Lists have been drawn up of people who played a significant role in the Japanese colonial regime, ranging from university professors to police chiefs – and extending even to their children, reflecting the Confucian belief that families are responsible for the behavior of their individual members.
The history of colonialism in western Europe and Japan, of slavery in the US, shows that as liberal democratic ideals take root in a society, the rights of citizenship cannot be denied to colonial subjects of members or certain groups.
The impact on the budget costs of these colonial wars will futher incite Russia’s financial decay and frighten foreign investors.
Few suggest that French military intervention was a means to recapture its colonial empire.
By contrast, sub-Saharan Africa’s historical legacy of artificial and unmanageable colonial boundaries, ethnic antagonisms, its citizens’ deficit of self-respect, and an appalling record of leadership failures has hampered its quest for economic integration.
Unfortunately, while access to education has improved significantly in recent decades, school curricula have changed little since the colonial era, when secondary education was an elite privilege designed to advance the careers of a select few.
Ghana was the first sub-Saharan nation to win its independence from a colonial power, in 1957.
Keating believed that the fighting at Kokoda represented the real birth pains of an independent Australia, not some colonial appendage of Britain created to serve imperial purposes in the Far East.
The declaration, these critics attest, was created by colonial powers with a long history of gross human-rights violations, and amounts to yet another attempt by a few Western players to impose their will upon Muslim countries.
But the Japanese invasion five years later subjugated Burma and its people to colonial rule once again, with the conquering sweep of the Imperial Japanese Army checked only at Imphal, in India’s Manipur state.
During the last century, however, Europe also experienced three auspicious events, though all were not exclusively European accomplishments: the end of colonial rule; the fall of the Iron Curtain; the beginning of European integration.
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