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Colonial in sentence

405 examples of Colonial in a sentence

This new political reality in the Maghreb will bring Europe – particularly France, the region’s old colonial master – face-to-face with Islamist governments determined to promote a new type of relationship.
That is perhaps an easy point to recognize for this author, the Catholic grandson of Irish potato famine emigrants who, nevertheless, became a British minister and Britain’s last colonial governor.
Indeed, the deal that Hong Kong’s colonial subjects appeared to accept – leaving politics alone in exchange for the opportunity to pursue material prosperity in a safe and orderly environment – is not so different from the deal accepted by China’s educated classes today.
The common opinion among British colonial civil servants, businessmen, and diplomats was that the Chinese were not really interested in politics anyway; all they cared about was money.
For most Hong Kong citizens, the prospect of being handed over in 1997 from one colonial power to another was never an entirely happy one.
In the past, regions or communities have achieved statehood almost exclusively after a struggle against colonial subjection and oppression, galvanized by an appeal to a distinctive religious, cultural, or ethnic identity.
For centuries, Western law arrived with colonial rulers.
I grew up in Mozambique when the country was still under Portuguese rule, and the inequality in our colonial society shaped my view that all people have a right to health care.
For China, there was the smarting humiliation of having ceded its own territory to a colonial power during the Qing dynasty.
But what must have rankled the Chinese Communist Party most was that the colonial power had been so successful in building, with China’s own people in Hong Kong, a hugely prosperous and contented city – one that became a magnet for many Chinese men, women, and children.
If Chinese communism was the wave of the future, why did so many flee from it, clambering over fences topped with razor wire and swimming through hazardous waters, to live under colonial rule?
When the United Kingdom, the region’s colonial master and protector, decided that it could no longer afford such financial burdens, US leaders ruled out taking its place.
Yet, from Third World poverty levels two decades ago, Ireland has surpassed its former colonial master in GDP per capita .
And when it comes to preserving national “face,” Russia and India are perhaps touchier than most countries;Russia has always felt looked down upon by western European powers, and India is still reckoning with a legacy of colonial humiliation.
The country’s colonial past still remains a painful issue that is yet far from being confronted in a dispassionate, objective manner.
To begin, residual problems from the end of the earlier era of colonization, usually the result of untidy exits by the colonial power, still remain dangerously stalemated.
Moreover, fuses lit in the colonial era could re-ignite, as they have done, to everyone's surprise, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, where war broke out over a colonial border that Italy's occupiers had failed to define with precision.
In Zimbabwe, colonial land ownership patterns that gave most of the viable farmland to white settlers are at least one root of the country's current crisis.
Such distinctions were not merely pernicious; they were often characterized by an unequal distribution of the resources of the state within a colonial society.
When a state has more than one colonial past, its future is vulnerable.
Rather, it was different colonial experiences (Italian rule in Eritrea, British rule in Somaliland) that set them off, at least in their own self-perceptions, from the rest of their ethnic compatriots.
Boundaries drawn in colonial times, even if unchanged after independence, still create problems, especially in Africa.
Where colonial constructions force disparate peoples together by the arbitrariness of a colonial map-maker's pen, nationhood becomes elusive.
As we embark upon the still-new millennium, though, it seems ironically clear that tomorrow's possible disorder might be due, in no small part, to yesterday's colonial order.
But, proxy war or not, this almost unprecedented redrawing of Africa’s colonial borders (Eritrea two decades ago was the last example) could have profound consequences for the continent’s future.
This nonsense on stilts is articulated by some zany candidates who enjoy the support of the Tea Party, a reference not to the Mad Hatter in Alice in Wonderland, which would be fitting, but to the Bostonians who rebelled against colonial Britain’s imposition of taxes in the eighteenth century.
It can be argued that during the colonial era, France willed the happiness of Algerians, not only the greatness of France.
The current Algerian government is quite comfortable denouncing France, and might continue to do so regardless of anything that the former colonial power does or says.
When its black majority was finally given a say in governance, it elected an African National Congress (ANC) government that, by refraining from confiscating and nationalizing private property held by the privileged minority, distinguished the country from many others, in Africa and elsewhere, that have emerged from repressive colonial rule.
At the same time, we are witnessing the dissolution of the old Middle East created by France and Britain after World War I, when Europe’s two great colonial powers created territorial mandates in Palestine, Syria (including present-day Lebanon), Transjordan, and Iraq.
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