Civilians
in sentence
633 examples of Civilians in a sentence
Hamas’s strategy of launching rockets from residential areas and storing them in schools clearly reflects its leaders’ willingness to put Palestinian
civilians
in harm’s way in order to confront Israel with the grim choice of killing
civilians
or allowing the rocket attacks to continue.
It should be pursuing those objectives while showing the utmost concern for Gaza’s trapped
civilians.
That is a positive step, but it is outweighed by repeated instances of Israeli airstrikes and shelling that appear to have needlessly killed civilians, from the four boys killed on a beach on July 16 to the 20 Palestinian
civilians
killed while taking refuge in a United Nations school on July 30.
These incidents are reminiscent of past NATO operations in Afghanistan, in which there was manifestly less care taken to safeguard the lives of local
civilians
than there would have been if the lives of NATO troops, or their civilian compatriots, had been at risk.
But, unlike Cromwell, Stalin was responsible for the deaths of very large numbers of civilians, outside any war or military campaign.
Saudi warplanes have bombed homes, markets, hospitals, and refugee camps in Yemen, leading critics to accuse the Kingdom of deliberately terrorizing
civilians
to turn public opinion against the Houthis.
Assad’s opponents accused the regime of using force against
civilians
without restraint, while the government pointed to the deaths of soldiers and policeman as evidence of violent jihadists among the protestors.
Total deaths, including both
civilians
and combatants, ran perhaps to around 2,900 (according to one tally by regime opponents).
In Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger, the extremist group Boko Haram – famous for its kidnapping of 276 school girls in 2014 – has inflicted thousands of casualties with suicide bombings and assaults on
civilians.
Thousands of
civilians
die, are displaced, or are subjected to appalling human-rights abuses, while the Security Council proves unable or unwilling to act.
Photos and video clips of police beating
civilians
in Tehran and other cities have been disseminated on the Internet.
The Assad regime has lost control of vast swaths of territory within the Syrian Arab Republic’s nominal borders, and it has little concern for the welfare of communities living in rebel-controlled territory, as evidenced by the Syrian Army’s indiscriminate violence toward
civilians
in those areas.
In South Sudan, Africa’s newest state, massacres of
civilians
are still taking place, particularly around the city of Bor.
Europe’s Refugee AmnesiaBARCELONA – After World War I, when millions of European
civilians
were made refugees, forced out of their homelands by enemy occupation or deportation, an international regime was developed to coordinate effective responses and ease the suffering of those who had been uprooted.
But the possibility that Assad’s increasingly desperate regime would deploy chemical weapons – as Saddam Hussein’s government did against Iranian troops and civilians, as well as Iraqi Kurds, during the Iran-Iraq War – cannot be discounted.
Violence against
civilians
– including the destruction of villages or churches, conscription of children, kidnapping, and rape – is also linked to ethnic partitioning.
Civilians
are killed daily in Mogadishu, there are roadside bombs and mortar attacks, and politicians and journalists are targeted.
The Assad regime’s use of excessive force, especially the deliberate killing of thousands of mainly Sunni civilians, has nonetheless recently spurred a tougher stance.
With the encouragement of Sudan’s government, China and Russia have thus far blocked a resolution sponsored by Britain and France that would allow the proposed hybrid force “to use all necessary means” to protect humanitarian workers and other
civilians.
While this helps them to defend their own interests more effectively, it also allows them to play a much more active role in international crisis management, such as the protection of
civilians
in Libya in 2011.
On previous visits, we had heard reports of atrocities committed by RUF rebels, including amputations, rapes, and mutilations of
civilians
in the countryside.
And, yes, Hamas deliberately chooses to place its military arsenal in highly populated areas under the involuntary protective shield of innocent
civilians
– or those Israeli officials sometimes refer to, with barely concealed mistrust, as the “uninvolved.”
Both sides of the conflict – the government of Sudan and its allied forces, as well as all the opposition groups in Darfur – must understand that
civilians
should no longer fall victim to their political disputes.
Similar attacks have lately been carried out against security forces and, in some cases, non-Rohingya civilians, with the violence having escalated over the last 12 months.
It will be impossible to ease tensions if soldiers are using disproportionate force, much less targeting civilians; indeed, such an approach is more likely to fuel than quell violent jihadism.
Despite some setbacks, the process has raised hope of a permanent end to the 50-year conflict, which has displaced at least five million people and led to more than 200,000 deaths (an estimated 85% of them civilians), with 23,161 selective killings, 25,007 forced disappearances, 27,023 kidnappings, and 1,982 massacres.
Of course, other Israeli soldiers and
civilians
have been held captive in Arab states or abducted by terrorist organizations and other militant groups over the years.
The policy, reminiscent of terrorist stratagems, of bombing
civilians
in order to force the hands of their leaders will only strengthen the radicals and boost their popular support.
In my own country, Sudan, and its western state of Darfur, African Union (AU) troops try to protect
civilians.
That historic triumph depended on bringing in Sinn Fein politicians – leaders of the Irish Republican movement who in many cases could not be distinguished from the IRA, which bombed, shot, and maimed
civilians
in pursuit of its political goals.
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