Civilians
in sentence
633 examples of Civilians in a sentence
But other countries have managed to prevent drug gangs from unleashing their fury on innocent
civilians.
They overwhelmingly affect
civilians
in the poorest and most desperate environments on Earth.
Coming after six years of civil war, in which some 400,000
civilians
have been killed and millions displaced, Trump’s unexpected intervention was praised by most US politicians, though it was carried out without the requisite congressional approval.
It also formed a National Defense Council (NDC), dominated by the military (11 army commanders versus six
civilians
– assuming that the interior minister is a civilian).
The justice minister, a Mubarak-era holdover, granted powers to the military intelligence and military police authorities to arrest
civilians
on charges as minor as traffic disruption and “insulting” the country’s leaders.
According to some studies, at least 137,000
civilians
have died violently in Afghanistan and Iraq in the last ten years; among Iraqis alone, there are 1.8 million refugees and 1.7 million internally displaced people.
Neither candidate mentioned that, by some estimates, the drone strikes have killed far more
civilians
than “suspected terrorists.”
In order to prevent humanitarian disasters resulting from war, the first priority is to respect the norms aimed at safeguarding
civilians.
What is at stake are both the lives of thousands of
civilians
and the enduring effectiveness of the multilateral system, by which these norms have been agreed and mechanisms to enforce them established.
On May 3, the UN Security Council adopted a resolution calling for the protection of
civilians
in conflicts and strongly condemning recent violations of international humanitarian law.
It is vital that countries take advantage of the opportunity offered by the Istanbul summit to reaffirm their legal commitments to safeguard
civilians
in conflicts and to expedite the development of new mechanisms to prevent the victims of catastrophes from being abandoned.
Another secret assault on civil liberties was Nixon’s adoption of the “Huston Plan” which authorized political surveillance by burglary, electronic eavesdropping, and the use of the military to spy on
civilians.
So far, fatalities include roughly 3,500 coalition soldiers (some 70% of which were US troops), about the same number of contractors, and some 100,000 Afghans (including security forces, opposition fighters, and civilians).
The sad irony is that Abbas is still cooperating with Israel in curtailing Hamas in the West Bank, and is still detaining hundreds of Hamas militants, among them some who were arrested for planning abductions of Israeli soldiers and
civilians.
In her debate with Biden, Palin actually attacked Obama for saying that, in her words, “All we’re doing in Afghanistan is air-raiding villages and killing civilians.”
Of course, killing
civilians
is not all that the US and its NATO allies are doing in Afghanistan, and if Obama implied that it was, his rhetoric was careless.
Afghanistan’s president, Hamid Karzai, has repeatedly expressed outrage at American air strikes that have killed
civilians
– most recently in August, when he said that 95 Afghans, including 50 children, were killed in the bombing of a village.
Civilians
have become the main victims of a strategy aimed at undermining the guerrillas, which has resulted in forced labor, the use of human minesweepers, and massive relocations of entire villages.
For the Israelis, the public statements of Palestinian armed groups celebrating rocket and mortar attacks on
civilians
strengthen a deep-rooted concern that negotiation will yield little and that their nation remains under existential threat from which only it can protect its people.
The massacre of 22
civilians
by the army last June in Tlatlaya, a small town west of Mexico City, and the disappearance and subsequent murder and incineration of 43 students, also close to the capital, was not a new type of development in Mexico.
In that case, operating under a United Nations Security Council resolution, and with broader support, including from the Arab League, the United States and its allies intervened for the ostensible humanitarian goal of preventing the mass killing of
civilians
at the hands of forces loyal to Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi.
Whereas the airstrikes in Libya were mandated to protect
civilians
from imminent attack, in Kony’s case the sole stated operational objective is his removal from the battlefield, so that he can be brought to justice at the International Criminal Court in The Hague.
Civilians
may not be targeted; the principle of proportionality requires the avoidance of excessive force in pursuing a legitimate military objective; and prisoners must be treated humanely.
This July marks the 20th anniversary of the massacre of more than 8,000 Bosnian Muslim
civilians
in and around the town of Srebrenica.
Yet in the US and elsewhere (tellingly, far from the frontlines), the chattering classes continue to agonize about supposed lost opportunities to intervene militarily and protect
civilians.
And, from our seat on the UN Security Council, we continue to advocate for Syrian
civilians
under years-long assault from their government.
Second, and related to the Responsibility to Protect, we must enhance the protection of
civilians
in armed conflicts before conflicts occur.
Only when security officials in every country embrace the imperative to protect
civilians
will decisive progress be made.
This depiction is offensive to the thousands of UN peacekeepers from South Asia, Africa, and Latin America who have helped to protect
civilians.
First, they ordered that Jonathan disband the military task force, claiming that it was occupying the north and harassing
civilians.
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