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Chronic in sentence

676 examples of Chronic in a sentence

Such a world would almost certainly be characterized by chronic crisis and conflict.
It’s not hard to see why the US runs chronic current-account deficits.
Every president since Ronald Reagan has promised “middle-class tax cuts” and other tax breaks, undermining revenues and leaving the federal budget in chronic deficit.
What accounts for India’s chronic food insecurity?
But the headline figures often mask longer-term problems – not least, an over-reliance on natural resources and chronic inequalities.
High unit labor costs and unemployment rates are responsible, in turn, for reducing the trend rate of economic growth, mainly owing to under-utilized labor, while the combination of lackluster growth and an ever-mounting welfare burden has resulted in chronic budget deficits.
The Jamaican study focused on children suffering from stunting, or chronic malnutrition, which affected 171 million children globally in 2010.
Unless and until the US faces up to its chronic aversion to saving – namely, by reducing massive federal budget deficits and encouraging the rebuilding of severely depleted household saving – multilateral trade deficits will persist.
But, rather than recognize the likely drivers of these developments – namely, a seemingly chronic shortfall of global aggregate demand amid a supply glut and a deflationary profusion of technological innovations and new supply chains – the Fed continues to minimize the deflationary impact of global forces.
Adopting a balanced, largely plant-based diet, with minimal consumption of red and processed meat, would help conserve natural resources, contribute to the fight against human-induced global warming, and reduce people’s risk of diet-related chronic diseases and even cancer mortality.
The US president-elect wants to restore growth via deficit spending in a country with a chronic shortfall of saving.
Without addressing America’s chronic saving shortage, the Chinese and Mexican components of the trade deficit would simply be redistributed to other countries – most likely to higher-cost producers.
But it does mean that there is limited hope for resolving seemingly chronic trade deficits – and the related erosion of domestic hiring traceable to these imbalances – if the US doesn’t start saving again.
But it glosses over the thorny issue of state-owned enterprise reform that may be required to resolve this contradiction and avoid the Japanese “zombie” problem of a chronic debt overhang.
The country’s balance of payments is under chronic strain, and attracting foreign direct investment – including from the Cuban diaspora – would be easier if the country could bring its reforms to fruition and rationalize its complex exchange rates.
Because Spain and France defaulted so much in the early modern period, and because Greece, from the moment of its political birth in 1830, was a chronic or serial defaulter, some assume that national temperament somehow imbues countries with a proclivity to default.
Market reforms by themselves cannot lift a population from poverty if people are simultaneously struggling with epidemics of AIDS, or malaria, or tuberculosis, or chronic malnutrition, or other crippling health problems.
The escalation of warfare and sectarian violence, which are becoming chronic, endanger both Turkey and Europe.
Summers’s Keynesian argument is that the problem is a chronic aggregate-demand shortfall: Desired investment lags behind desired savings, even at near-zero nominal interest rates, resulting in a chronic liquidity trap.
An increasing concentration of income at the top, combined with top earners’ high propensity to save, then leads to the chronic shortfall of aggregate demand that characterizes secular stagnation.
Gordon’s thesis is more about a kind of “satiation” in rapid technological progress, which depresses expected returns and thus helps to explain the chronic lack of sufficient investment.
The intertwined forces of chronic Keynesian imbalance, a slowdown in productivity growth, and a concentration of income at the top lead to a very subdued outlook for growth in median income.
Despite the Japanese economy’s chronic underperformance, the US continued to press Japan to maintain an overvalued yen throughout this period.
Few of us, however, respond as emotionally to the threat of chronic disease, a vague and elastic term that is mainly useful for organizing health services.
And yet chronic disease has become a major social problem that requires a collective response.
Historically, chronic disease referred to conditions lasting over a long period.
In the nineteenth century, chronic disease was considered problematic in part because sufferers took up scarce beds in hospitals that were increasingly focused on treating acute, curable diseases.
But chronic disease soon became a wider public-health issue as the death toll from cancer, cardiovascular disease, and diabetes seemed to rise.
Over time, though, the incidence of chronic disease almost certainly did rise in developed countries.
As a result, chronic diseases now comprise a large proportion of health-care systems' total caseloads.
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