Campaign
in sentence
3118 examples of Campaign in a sentence
Sonia Gandhi and her family should also take credit for putting at the forefront of their
campaign
a vision of an inclusive society, which rejects divisions on the basis of caste, ethnicity, language, and religion.
Since President Xi Jinping launched his anti-corruption
campaign
in 2012, China’s overall economic performance has not improved, partly owing to local officials’ increased reluctance to take bold steps to boost growth.
Some 2,500 years ago, Sappho of Lesbos wrote:Their heart grew coldthey let their wings downTo prevent that from happening to humanists across Europe, we need a new movement to
campaign
for refugees’ release from odious conditions and a swift asylum process.
The only thing comparable to QE was the US Federal Reserve’s anti-inflation
campaign
of 1979-1980, orchestrated by the Fed’s then-chair, Paul Volcker.
Civil society must also play its part, with a united
campaign
to direct their governments’ attention toward this issue.
In accordance with his
campaign
promise, Macron has signed new government ethics rules into law.
Moreover, prosecutors’ efforts to uncover the truth are not a
campaign
to discredit the Turkish army, as some allege; nor has the exposure of “Sledgehammer” led to an emerging showdown between “secularists” and “Islamists.”
The legal investigations now underway do not mark a showdown between Islamists and secularists, nor are they a
campaign
to discredit Turkey’s generals.
Given rampant distrust of politicians and widespread frustration with the state of the economy, it would be difficult for any leader – except perhaps in Germany – to
campaign
successfully for reelection.
Even in Germany, where referenda are not envisaged by the constitution, there are calls to hold one over Turkey's entry; one opposition party has already announced that it will make this a central issue in next year's election
campaign
for the European Parliament.
Even the United States is seeing alarming signs, with the frontrunner for the Republican Party’s presidential nomination, Donald Trump, directing vitriol – and arguably inciting violence – toward journalists during his
campaign
rallies.
During the campaign, Trump pledged to ensure energy self-sufficiency – an effort that would probably entail new subsidies for domestic oil, gas, and possibly coal production.
His
campaign
begins with South Korea, where he is attempting to use ethnic nationalism to drive a wedge between that country and its US ally and potentially even to convince it to abandon the alliance altogether.
Chaebol reform is a defining issue in this year’s presidential campaign, epitomized in popular bumper stickers reading, “It’s the chaebol, stupid.”
Although he didn’t explicitly say so in his recent speech, he is clearly targeting the kind of Russian interference that played a prominent role in the 2016 US presidential election, and also threatened his own presidential
campaign
last spring.
“Feeling the Bern” (the mantra of Bernie Sanders’ leftist campaign) will not suffice to stop Trump from inflicting great harm to institutions that were carefully constructed more than two centuries ago to protect American democracy from demagogues like him.
A broad
campaign
is needed to educate people, change thevaluation and perception of girls and women, and give women a more equal voice – at home and in public – in order to facilitate their transition to leadership roles.
A crackdown on liberalism, he seems to believe, will work alongside his anti-corruption
campaign
to advance this goal.
Consider the impact of Yuan’s textbook
campaign
on China’s 28 million college undergraduates, who would be left with substandard course materials.
How do we explain the passion aroused by the
campaign
and by Sarkozy himself including the massive affirmation he received in the parliamentary election?
And no one should forget that, despite his
campaign
rhetoric and his apparent unpopularity with many immigrants, Sarkozy himself is an immigrant’s son who favors bold affirmative action policies.
His bloody
campaign
in Darfur, the world should need no reminding, has already led to his indictment by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Brazil is similarly paralyzed, partly because of its presidential election campaign, which is currently in full swing and will conclude only at the end of the year, and partly because of recent diplomatic setbacks.
By contrast, rebelling against one’s parents’ generation and rediscovering traditional moral stances will save France – a message that is highly applicable to issues, such as education and immigration, that may dominate the electoral
campaign.
Too much of the book reads, as the Washington Post’s Steven Pearlstein put it, like it was lifted from the Web site of Mitt Romney’s 2012 presidential
campaign.
For example, Putin’s
campaign
press secretary welcomed the British government’s response to the nerve-agent attack on Sergei and Yulia Skripal, because it may have mobilized Putin’s supporters in the run-up to the presidential election.
And there have been welcome developments in the Republican-controlled Senate, where a recent resolution condemning Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman for the murder of Khashoggi, and another to end US support for the Saudi
campaign
in Yemen, passed with bipartisan support.
What about Trump’s financial ties with Russia, and those of his associates, including his former national security adviser, Michael Flynn, and his former
campaign
manager, Paul Manafort?
And, finally, there is the gross obstruction of justice represented by the firing of FBI director James Comey, whose main offense seems to have been his refusal to exclude Trump from his investigation of the Kremlin’s criminal interference in the 2016
campaign.
What will voters make of the damning revelations that are sure to come to light, now that Comey’s predecessor, Robert Mueller, has been appointed as special counsel to investigate the ties between Russia and Trump’s election
campaign?
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