Bureaucrats
in sentence
333 examples of Bureaucrats in a sentence
Graeber sums up this argument in what he calls an “iron law of liberalism”: “any market reform, any government initiative intended to reduce red tape and promote market forces, will have the ultimate effect of increasing the total number of regulations, the total amount of paperwork, and the total number of
bureaucrats
the government employs.”
The other type takes the carcass of history, throws it into the pot, turns up the heat, and boils it down, hoping that the bones will yield lessons and suggest principles to guide our civilization’s voters, bureaucrats, and politicians as they slouch toward utopia.
Furthermore, communication between EU
bureaucrats
and Romani NGO leaders must improve, so that they can work together to change social policies in EU countries that ignore or harm not only Roma, but all of their poor citizens.
This question has long divided economists along a right-left axis, at least since University of Chicago economists George Stigler and Milton Friedman argued that many, if not most, regulations were motivated by rent-seeking among
bureaucrats
and business incumbents.
And
bureaucrats
must forego some of the power that excessive regulation affords them.
But that depends upon a vital sense of European solidarity, which will not come from anthems, flags, or other gimmicks devised by
bureaucrats
in Brussels.
As US President Barack Obama’s domestic opponents resist his signature health-care legislation, owing to the wealth transfers that it implies, Japanese
bureaucrats
are trying to recover the authority to administer tax revenue to support social-welfare programs.
Designing a screening mechanism to minimize adverse selection in choosing
bureaucrats
and party officials has become one of the biggest challenges that China’s ruling elites confront.
They then bitterly complained to their people about “Brussels bureaucrats” and their undemocratic ways.
So, when the leaders of France and the Netherlands – pro-constitution to a fault – asked their people what they thought about the Union, they received a clear echo of their own message: the people did not like the reforms, and they did not like the “Brussels bureaucrats,” constitution or no constitution.
But it is much easier for them to adopt a low profile, get the “Brussels bureaucrats” to do it, and then blame those Brussels officials, indeed the EU, for any and all of the pain.
They also can continue to play the blame game, letting the Union pursue reforms, while complaining about Brussels
bureaucrats.
Moreover, labor-market policies do not fall under the EU mandate, so national governments will be on their own, without the Brussels
bureaucrats
to blame.
The first, and simplest, justification simply assumes that the “powers that be” (the ultimate recipients of their work) are “benevolent despots” in the mold that John Maynard Keynes described (though Keynes did not consider the British
bureaucrats
of his time to be despots).
In the 1970s, this defense was challenged by economists at the other end of the Western political spectrum, who pointed out that
bureaucrats
were a supplier lobby like any other.
Between these two positions, most economists have been content to ply their trade on the assumption that, however self-interested
bureaucrats
might be, they are subject to oversight from democratic politicians whose own self-interest is to get re-elected by keeping voters satisfied.
To consolidate support, Thatcher would go head-to-head with carefully selected enemies – from British miners to Argentina’s president, General Leopoldo Galtieri, to the
bureaucrats
in Brussels.
We all know just how cunning
bureaucrats
can be in destroying incriminating evidence.
The influence that
bureaucrats
enjoy here fosters corruption.
Today, roughly half of all revenue goes to fund the inflated salaries and perks of government officials, including parliamentarians, governors, local and national bureaucrats, and endless legions of administrators.
And rigid financial controls, which lend
bureaucrats
inordinate discretionary power over capital transfers, amount to a fatal flaw.
But there is no reason why an ICU cannot be designed with variable exchange rates and simple, automated rules which minimize politicians’ and bureaucrats’ discretionary power, while preserving the benefits of Keynes’s original idea for keeping global imbalances in check.
Likewise, the “surge” charge will automatically penalize speculative, herd-like capital inflows or outflows, without increasing bureaucrats’ discretionary power or introducing inflexible capital controls.
But more broadly it involves the fact that Japan is just a closed economy, uncompetitive and vigorously defended by
bureaucrats
and corporate alliances.
Throughout the Muslim world, self-motivated, entrepreneurial mullahs have operated without
bureaucrats
and hardship allowances, five-star hotels, or business-class tickets.
Some of these initiatives, particularly deregulation, will undoubtedly face resistance from
bureaucrats
concerned about losing their influence.
Many early Muslim reformists were clerics or senior bureaucrats, who had seen first hand how diminished their societies had become.
But while the ethical basis of Neo-Confucianism was crucial, the Chinese also understood the need for a morally motivated bureaucracy, and thus perfected in the seventh century the world’s first examination system for selecting bureaucrats, with the Confucian canon as the syllabus.
It is time for Europe’s politicians to overrule the
bureaucrats
and re-create a flexible, democratic EU capable of responding to its citizens and adapting to a changing world.
In fact, the Kan administration – which loathes the involvement of bureaucrats, who are professionals, in managing public affairs – delayed notifying neighboring countries when it was forced to order the release of water containing low concentrations of radioactive material.
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