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Belief in sentence

1599 examples of Belief in a sentence

To the extent that the Bush administration has a coherent philosophy for domestic policy, it is the idea of the “ownership society” – the belief that intermediary institutions, whether governments, unions, or the benefits departments of companies, should get out of the business of providing social insurance.
Decades of persecution have instilled in its leaders the belief that the world is aligned against them.
Even Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, under increasing EU pressure as accession negotiations are due to begin this October, has agreed to an impartial study by academic historians, although he has reiterated his belief that the genocide never occurred.
Indeed, the ECB proclaimed its belief that the stabilization of government-bond prices brought about by such purchases would be only temporary.
These considerations have forced me to re-examine my belief in the open society.
THE NEW ENEMYInsofar as there is a dominant belief in our society today, it is a belief in the magic of the marketplace.
The cult of success has replaced a belief in principles.
As such, belief in the open society does not entail a firm view on any specific social goals.
Indeed, it has meaning only when people hold other beliefs on social and political matters, in addition to their belief in the open society.
Can we promote a belief in our own fallibility to the status we normally confer on a belief in ultimate truth?
In the ultimate analysis a belief in the open society is a matter of choice, not of logical necessity.
A belief in our fallibility is a highly sophisticated concept, much more difficult to work with than more primitive beliefs, such as my country (or my company or my family), right or wrong.
The belief in reason was carried to excess in the French Revolution; nevertheless, it was the beginning of a new way of life.
Yet another irony: our belief in human rights in some ways abetted this betrayal.
Given the need for such interventions, the belief that climate change is a hoax is comforting to anyone who thinks that government must play no role in the economy.
One reason for the radicals’ regional shenanigans – such as supporting militias in Yemen, Palestine, and Lebanon – is the belief that confrontation with the US or Israel is inevitable.
The naive belief that integrated European regulation and supervision would follow financial integration has proven to be false.
Moreover, too many policymakers have relied on the belief that, at the end of the day, this is just a deep recession that can be subdued by a generous helping of conventional policy tools, whether fiscal policy or massive bailouts.
Many neo-cons emerged from a leftist past, in which a belief in revolution from above was commonplace: “people’s democracies” yesterday, “liberal democracies” today.
(More broadly, the weight of China’s problems, together with Russia’s collapse and Venezuela’s 60% inflation, has strained the belief of some that state capitalism trumps market economies.)
Blame our traditional and deeply ingrained belief in miracles for this.
A similar belief in miracles also bedevils Russian politics and makes it very difficult for political parties to play their normal role in a democratic society.
But Russians, because of their belief in miracles that are expected to get them what they want without effort, fall prey not only to financial speculators, but also to politicians who will play on their wishes as unscrupulously as the criminals who ran the pyramid schemes.
But the growing belief that the global financial system has escaped collapse, and that we are slowly returning to business as usual, is a grave misinterpretation of the current situation.
Some economists have been led astray by intellectual arrogance: the belief that they can always explain real-world complexity.
For example, the belief that fiscal austerity raises income, rather than lowering it, even in the short run, was a mistake, as was the refusal in 2010 to write down the debt.
But this belief fueled excessive confidence among those responsible for the reforms, preventing them from anticipating that military measures would soon be needed to protect the economy.
In what other part of the Muslim Middle East does one find such a strong belief in a geopolitical order that tends toward peace, not war; favors reconciliation over ancient hatreds; and prefers respect for the other to a war of civilizations?
Moreover, Republicans’ belief that only tax cuts, not public spending, will delivery recovery is a sad example of blinkered ideology.
But, within China, as the American political scientists Andrew Nathan and Andrew Scobell argued recently in Foreign Affairs, there is growing tension between domestic economic priorities and Chinese leaders’ belief that “China’s political stability and territorial integrity are threatened by foreign actors and forces.”
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