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Belief in sentence

1599 examples of Belief in a sentence

Contrary to popular belief, most poaching is not the work of pirate operators; the major culprits are licensed foreign vessels that underreport or deliberately misreport their catch.
The origin of the black swan metaphor was the belief that all swans are white, a conclusion that a nineteenth-century Englishman might have reached based on a lifetime of personal observation and David Hume’s principle of induction.
But nukes, a belief in deterrence, and the growing realization that Kashmir is a lost cause, have freed the army from the hard life of the trenches.
Growing resentment toward the West has reinforced Russian leaders’ enduring penchant for the concepts of “Great Powers” and “spheres of influence,” and the belief that international relations is a zero-sum game, in which others’ gain is Russia’s loss.
But the belief that nothing will change is equally illusory.
But watching the Burmese monks on television defy the security forces of one of the world’s most oppressive regimes, it is hard not to see some merit in religious belief.
But Buddhism has been a religion in different parts of Asia for many centuries, and, like any other belief, it can be used to justify violent acts.
Its strength is belief itself – belief in a moral order that defies secular, or, indeed, religious dictators.
Men and women who found strength in their belief in Communism resisted the Nazis with equal tenacity.
Today, I owe much of my success to my late father, whose belief in me was unwavering.
Existing policies to achieve social cohesion are based on the belief that, if uncorrected, the free play of market forces will lead to wide disparities in income and thus intensify social conflict.
Indeed, suspicion would become irreversible, and it would replace the belief in the irreversibility of the eurozone.
A stable system requires buy-in and belief.
First, Iran’s leaders are convinced that global geopolitics is a zero-sum game – a belief shared with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Second, the Bush administration’s unilateralism shattered the belief that the US would continue to provide the world with “multilateral” leadership; indeed, US unilateralism was a cue for Russia to pursue its own unilateral policy.
Liberty, in the US, was inextricably entwined with religious belief.
At the heart of the US Constitution – which was shaped by the American Founders’ experience with British imperial overreach – is a belief that many people, working through consensus, are wiser than one person.
The chaos into which Venezuela has fallen may seem to be beyond belief.
In fact, it is a product of belief.
Whether policies sound crazy or sensible depends on the conceptual paradigm, or belief system, that we use to interpret the nature of the world we inhabit.
Societies’ conceptual paradigms for understanding the nature of the world they inhabit cannot be anchored only in scientific fact, because science can at best establish the truth of individual beliefs; it cannot devise an overarching belief system or assign moral value to outcomes.
Politics is about the representation and evolution of alternative belief systems.
The danger that Venezuela highlights – and that Britain may soon highlight as well – is the damage that dysfunctional belief systems can have on national wellbeing.
While the particular chavista creed that destroyed Venezuela will most likely end up collapsing under the weight of its own cataclysmic failure, the lesson for others is how costly it is to adopt a potentially dysfunctional belief system.
When it comes to wholesale shifts in paradigms of belief, Venezuela shows how unaffordable such experiments may turn out to be.
In a widely attended brainstorming session at which participants were asked what single failure accounted for the crisis, there was a resounding answer: the belief that markets were self-correcting.
Central bankers’ belief that controlling inflation was necessary and almost sufficient for growth and prosperity had never been based on sound economic theory; now, the crisis provided further skepticism.
Their stance is underpinned by the belief that advanced economies cannot hope to repeat the dynamism that the US enjoyed from 1995-2005 (and other advanced economies a bit later), much less the salad days of the 1950s and 1960s.
It is based on the mistaken belief that a newly muscular United States has all the leverage in dealing with its presumed adversary, and that any Chinese response is hardly worth considering.
The case for tearing up free-trade agreements and aborting negotiations for new ones is premised on the belief that globalization is the reason for rising income inequality, which has left the American working class economically marooned.
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