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Belief in sentence

1599 examples of Belief in a sentence

Even in Europe, the numbers confessing to a belief in God remain high.
In this sense, Russians have come to depend on their belief in Putin as much as he depends on their support.
The challenge facing Russians is to ensure that, when it does, they have broken their destructive dependence on belief in him.
Eliminating corruption will be possible only with an effective combination of smart prevention strategies and robust law enforcement, underpinned by the belief that greed can be unlearned, accountability can be taught, and impunity can be terminated.
It is my belief that the Czech army will never again be confronted by an adversary threatening war, and that its future assignments will not go beyond participation in international peace-enforcement operations.
With Trump’s election (and given America’s checkered foreign-policy legacy), we must discard this belief.
Christianity, with its belief that God (or the Son of God) sacrificed Himself to expiate humanity’s sins, inverted the traditional economy of sacrifice.
Despite secularization, the belief that rewards, or achievements, require sacrifice has become an integral part of European cultural consciousness.
The irony of scientists accepting this belief about themselves at face value is that, among the innumerable kinds of human errors, bias is a relentless nemesis to which scientists are as likely to succumb as anyone else.
Indeed, Qaddafi’s belief that the bureaucracy impeded the transmission of his message to the masses spurred him to dismantle ministries periodically and place privileged personal relationships above institutional hierarchies.
The belief that the surge was successful is especially dangerous because the Afghanistan war is going so poorly.
But back in America, the belief that the surge “worked” is now leading many to argue that more troops are needed in Afghanistan.
According to Trump’s national security adviser, H.R. McMaster, the administration’s position reflects its belief that Kim is crazy, and that “classical deterrence theory” thus does not apply.
First, the belief that such a policy produces more equality is mistaken.
Russia’s approach to international affairs has long centered on respect for national interests and sovereignty, and the belief that all peoples and nations should have the freedom to make their own political, economic, and cultural choices.
America’s belief that a harsh sanctions regime could coax Iran into a deal has proved – at least so far – to be unrealistic.
But the belief that it can is essential to the credibility of the now-standard inflation targets.
The classical view of the economy, which Keynes set out to demolish, is not only alive, but in recent years has been dominant, feeding the belief that competitive markets can be left to regulate themselves, will always provide as much employment as is wanted, and are immune to large-scale collapse.
Carson drew on scientific findings, but also voiced fundamental misgivings about consumer capitalism and a “postmaterialistic” belief in the primacy of the quality of life over economic growth.
Second, there is a widespread belief that advanced economies’ urban elites – in government, the media, and business – are either uninterested or unable to address their societies’ most serious problems: economic inequality, banking crises, aging populations and overburdened social-security systems, terrorism, porous borders, rapidly changing community identities, and much else.
That, in turn, depends on an economic recovery in the occupied territories and a belief that concrete steps toward a negotiated political solution are being taken.
By validating Trump’s self-serving belief that tough sanctions bend countries to America’s will, Moon gained political cover from US foreign-policy hawks unhappy about diplomatic overtures to Kim.
There always was something magical about this kind of iconoclasm, which rests on the belief that smashing an image will somehow solve the problems associated with it.
The Cuban missile crisis in October 1962 created a global air of fear and pessimism, and certainly the belief that the US and the Soviet Union could not be reconciled.
But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.
Still, both sides are united in their belief that Poland should have a strong alliance with the United States, and should support Ukrainian independence (though the right does harbor some grievances against Ukraine for various historical transgressions).
The touching belief in the liberal-democratic state’s checks and balances, and in the idea that the rule of law would prevent Le Pen from turning state power against the vulnerable, is not one that the left can risk entertaining.
Among other things, they seem to have predisposed people to accept bureaucratic structures, a social philosophy emphasizing hierarchy, and a belief that there is a single right way of doing things.
Contrary to widespead belief, stock-market-induced short-termism is probably not much of an economic handicap anyway.
The parliamentary elections to be held on March 31 st will provide an answer to the main question everyone asks about Ukraine: can we overcome our lack of belief in ourselves, overcome our fears, to win a true democratic independence?
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