Bailout
in sentence
528 examples of Bailout in a sentence
The possibility of restructuring balances the interests of stakeholders and uses legal protections to help potentially risky enterprises prevent or avoid bankruptcy if a
bailout
is worthwhile or possible.
Trump, in particular, is channeling the same populist anger on the right that fueled the rise in 2010 of the Tea Party, which opposed both the government’s
bailout
of the banks that had caused the 2008 financial crisis and President Barack Obama’s health-care program.
And the decision to combine the eurozone’s new
bailout
fund (the European Stability Mechanism) with the old one (the European Financial Stability Facility) significantly increased the size of the eurozone’s firewall.
But, despite persistent deflationary pressure through 2010, rising budget deficits, high financial-sector
bailout
costs, continued monetization of deficits, and eventually unsustainable levels of public debt will ultimately lead to higher expected inflation – and thus to higher interest rates, which would stifle the recovery of private demand.
The chairman of China Investment Corporation, Jin Liquin, commented skeptically on a proposed Chinese
bailout
of Europe, which he called “a worn-out welfare society” with “outdated” welfare laws that induce dependence and sloth.
He could count on the IMF – which had real policy leverage, owing to India’s need for a
bailout
program in 1991 – to provide external support to counter the huge internal obstacles to reform.
The bank would be closed on Friday evening, unburdened of pre-positioned evaporating debts over the weekend, and reopened on Monday morning, without (in the best-case scenario) needing a government
bailout.
Its current
bailout
schemes only help countries like Greece and Italy to borrow money cheaply in the face of prohibitively high market interest rates, while the schemes’ insistence on more budget-deficit reduction in these countries will reduce European purchasing power further.
EU countries agreed to limit their fiscal deficits to 3% of GDP to ensure debt discipline under the euro, so that no country could use the new currency to take its neighbors hostage and force them into
bailout
operations.
In fact, it was largely a necessary concession to Germany’s Constitutional Court, which had argued that the
bailout
measures lacked a proper legal basis.
To save both Greece and Europe, the new
bailout
package must include two big things not yet agreed.
Spend in haste, repent at leisure: America’s latest
bailout
planCambridge – With minds concentrated by fears of another 1930’s-style Great Depression, America’s politicians have adopted, virtually overnight, a $700 billon
bailout
plan to resuscitate the country’s rapidly deflating financial sector.
Voters’ aversion to Brexit’s adverse consequences, analogous to the realism that gradually dawned in Greece after its 2015 referendum rejected an EU bailout, helps to explain the otherwise perplexing tactics of Prime Minister Theresa May and her Conservative Party.
Capitalism and SkepticismBALTIMORE – As each new day brings word of another Wall Street
bailout
even more colossal than the last, one question presents itself with ever-increasing force: why does America’s economy perform so badly under Republican presidents?
The left opposition Syriza party, which is committed to renegotiating the terms of Greece’s EU bailout, is ahead in opinion polls.
The full extent of the political damage that Germany’s
bailout
policy for the eurozone, with its austerity, mass unemployment, and economic depression, has caused in southern Europe remains to be seen.
Similarly, Caplin testified in 2010 before the US House Committee on Financial Services that the FHA was at serious risk, a year after FHA Commissioner David Stevens told the same committee that “We will not need a bailout.”
Finally, in September, it was forced to seek a government
bailout.
Last Fall when the Western Governments and the IMF sponsored more than $100 billion in
bailout
loans to Asia, the hope was for a quick rebound.
But the fact is that these transfers – that is, European Stability Mechanism-financed
bailout
programs and the European Central Bank’s prospective “outright monetary transactions” (OMT) bond-buying scheme – can do little more than fend off collapse.
And, because the IMF is virtually always paid back, restructuring avoids putting domestic taxpayers on the hook for a creditor
bailout.
The heavy social and financial costs of an expensive
bailout
or a disruptive restructuring could thereby be avoided.
The massive IMF-European Union
bailout
did nothing to catalyze private capital inflows.
Here is where the latest Irish
bailout
is particularly disconcerting.
In Europe, every balance sheet available has been tapped to forestall a debt crisis in the periphery, resulting in large
bailout
packages for Greece, Ireland, and Portugal, and the contamination of the ECB’s balance sheet.
America’s troubled private pension system – now several hundred billion dollars in debt – already appears headed for a government
bailout.
Meanwhile, austerity and reform fatigue on the eurozone periphery – and among non-eurozone EU members such as Hungary and Poland – is clashing with
bailout
fatigue in the core.
Those failing to keep their pension balances in the black should have to pay into a
bailout
fund before they can pursue share buybacks or similar programs.
Some observers interpreted the visit as a flippant attempt to needle Germany, which Syriza views as the driving force behind the
bailout
agreements.
Another is the treaty’s “no bailout” clause.
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