Bailout
in sentence
528 examples of Bailout in a sentence
With the United States government staring at the long-term costs of the financial bailout, as well as inexorably rising entitlement costs, shouldn’t the Chinese worry about a repeat of Europe’s experience from the 1970’s?
The Success of Greek Structural ReformsATHENS – Since July 2015, when the Greek government and its European counterparts agreed to a new
bailout
deal, my country has made immense efforts to implement structural reforms under tight deadlines.
The measures called for by the
bailout
program were adopted within a very short period of time; indeed, many of them were part of previous agreements, but had never been implemented.
Now that the Greek government has delivered on its part of the
bailout
deal, it is time that its European and international counterparts conclude the first review of the program.
It may seem strange to make middle-income countries pay for their own
bailout
insurance, but it isn’t.
Admittedly, no developing country ever seems to vote against a big
bailout
for one of its brethren, no matter how ill conceived.
On the whole, I expect that the
bailout
policies of a more “democratic” IMF would look much as they do now.
One year later, risk premia were even higher than before, and a second
bailout
package was put together, followed by a large “voluntary” debt rescheduling.
The first large
bailout
package for Greece has also met a fate similar to Argentina’s.
It is composed of highly profitable multinational companies, now investing and hiring workers; advanced economies’ rescued banks paying off their emergency
bailout
loans; the growing middle and upper classes in emerging economies buying more goods and services; a healthier private sector paying more taxes, thereby alleviating pressure on government budgets; and Germany, Europe’s economic power, reaping the fruit of years of economic restructuring.
Last week, Portugal joined Greece and Ireland in seeking an official
bailout
to avoid a default that would undermine Europe’s banking system.
The countries most at risk of contagion – Portugal, Spain, and Italy – are less vulnerable now in the eyes of the markets; the European Union has established a
bailout
fund; and the European Central Bank has launched a large bond-buying program.
Having their bonds purchased by the European Central Bank did not keep Greece, Ireland, and Portugal from needing a
bailout.
And it would spare German and other taxpayers from the EU’s solvent northern countries from having to fund yet another
bailout
of a southern member state.
In the US, the banking crisis was tackled rapidly and in a sustainable manner, while Europe is still going from one
bailout
to the next.
Either such a firm would be allowed to fail, with dire consequences for global finance, or there would be some sort of backdoor
bailout.
And, because sex scandals are always interesting to read about – certainly compared to yet another undeclared war, or a
bailout
that created jobs costing an estimated $850,000 each – they will always be useful diversions.
Moreover, the Italian story is unfolding as Greece closes in on an agreement in June about its exit late this summer from dependence on Europe’s
bailout
framework.
The alternative – exclusive reliance on a
bailout
– is tempting, as it may temporarily calm markets.
But a
bailout
would only kick the can down the road.
Even after two
bailout
packages, it is unrealistic to expect Greek taxpayers to start making large repayments anytime soon – not with unemployment at 25% (and above 50% for young people).
If the EU followed the same playbook in the case of the UK, it would have demanded levels of austerity and
bailout
loans that would have been politically unacceptable on both sides of the English Channel.
These objectives reflected Greece’s frustrating and disappointing experience under two previous
bailout
packages administered by “the institutions” (the European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the IMF).
Indeed, many observers view the agreement on a third
bailout
program that Greece reached with its creditors – barely a week after Varoufakis resigned – as simply more of the same.
The recent controversial
bailout
deal – likened by some to the 1919 Versailles Treaty, with Greece in the role of Germany – offers the latest twist in the eurozone’s existential saga.
MUNICH – In blatant violation of the Maastricht Treaty, the European Commission has come forward with one
bailout
plan after another for Europe’s distressed economies.
The solution to this conundrum was supposed to have been the Stability and Growth Pact, working in tandem with the so-called “no bailout” clause in the Maastricht Treaty.
In particular, banks, for which maintaining market share is crucial, cannot be expected to constrain risky lending, especially given the expectation that, if things do go wrong, the taxpayers will fund a
bailout.
One shudders to think what lessons the US financial sector will draw if, after the multi-trillion dollar bailout, there are only superficial, toothless reforms.
To the extent that a higher debt ratio is allowed only in exceptional situations (Article 100 of the Treaty), such as natural disasters (where a
bailout
would be allowed), a legal conflict should not arise.
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