Babies
in sentence
606 examples of Babies in a sentence
That's the equivalent of stopping 10 jumbo jets full of
babies
and children from crashing every single day.
She had a daughter who passed away at three weeks, and we know that the majority of children that actually die die in the first month of their life, and we know that if we give a bar of soap to every skilled birth attendant, and that if soap is used before touching the babies, we can reduce and make a change in terms of those numbers.
Pregnant women in Uruguay buy better food and give birth to healthier
babies.
The hospital's maternity ward was really stressed out because a lot of
babies
were born on this gray November day.
And as new parents, we all want to make sure our
babies
are healthy, that they're breathing, that they're alive, of course.
So
babies
that come out the regular way, all of their microbes are basically like the vaginal community, whereas
babies
that are delivered by C-section, all of their microbes instead look like skin.
I don't know if you've ever looked at the credits of a Pixar movie, but the
babies
born during a production are listed there.
I think part of the answer is to think about people like young kids and
babies
that don't have much agency, because people seem to be more willing to do this.
The rice in the cereal that many of us fed our
babies
was developed using this approach.
There's
babies
and there's grandparents, I'm getting them in the tree and waiting for the light to set, and it's going, going, and I've got one sheet of film left, and I think, I'm okay, I'm in control, I'm in control.
So scientists care whether evidence is randomly sampled or not, but what does that have to do with
babies?
Well,
babies
have to generalize from small samples of data all the time.
And the kinds of generalizations
babies
have to make about ducks and balls they have to make about almost everything: shoes and ships and sealing wax and cabbages and kings.
So do
babies
care whether the tiny bit of evidence they see is plausibly representative of a larger population?
I'm going to show you two movies, one from each of two conditions of an experiment, and because you're going to see just two movies, you're going to see just two babies, and any two
babies
differ from each other in innumerable ways.
But these babies, of course, here stand in for groups of babies, and the differences you're going to see represent average group differences in
babies'
behavior across conditions.
In each movie, you're going to see a baby doing maybe just exactly what you might expect a baby to do, and we can hardly make
babies
more magical than they already are.
But to my mind the magical thing, and what I want you to pay attention to, is the contrast between these two conditions, because the only thing that differs between these two movies is the statistical evidence the
babies
are going to observe.
We're going to show
babies
a box of blue and yellow balls, and my then-graduate student, now colleague at Stanford, Hyowon Gweon, is going to pull three blue balls in a row out of this box, and when she pulls those balls out, she's going to squeeze them, and the balls are going to squeak.
So maybe
babies
should expect those yellow balls to squeak as well.
Now, those yellow balls have funny sticks on the end, so
babies
could do other things with them if they wanted to.
All right, it's nice that
babies
will generalize properties of blue balls to yellow balls, and it's impressive that
babies
can learn from imitating us, but we've known those things about
babies
for a very long time.
The really interesting question is what happens when we show
babies
exactly the same thing, and we can ensure it's exactly the same because we have a secret compartment and we actually pull the balls from there, but this time, all we change is the apparent population from which that evidence was drawn.
This time, we're going to show
babies
three blue balls pulled out of a box of mostly yellow balls, and guess what?
LS: So you just saw two 15-month-old
babies
do entirely different things based only on the probability of the sample they observed.
On the vertical axis, you'll see the percentage of
babies
who squeezed the ball in each condition, and as you'll see,
babies
are much more likely to generalize the evidence when it's plausibly representative of the population than when the evidence is clearly cherry-picked.
So even though
babies
are going to see much less evidence for squeaking, and have many fewer actions to imitate in this one ball condition than in the condition you just saw, we predicted that
babies
themselves would squeeze more, and that's exactly what we found.
So 15-month-old babies, in this respect, like scientists, care whether evidence is randomly sampled or not, and they use this to develop expectations about the world: what squeaks and what doesn't, what to explore and what to ignore.
So in this next experiment, we're going to give
babies
just a tiny bit of statistical data supporting one hypothesis over the other, and we're going to see if
babies
can use that to make different decisions about what to do.
LS: Okay, Laura, but of course,
babies
love their mommies.
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