Attacks
in sentence
2465 examples of Attacks in a sentence
Indeed, the
attacks
represent more than a failure of police work.
Indeed, India stands only behind Iraq in the number of people killed each year in terrorist
attacks.
But public opinion can change when a conflict does not involve one's own security or vital interests, especially when the allied victims are one's sons and brothers, or the other party responds with terrorist
attacks.
While NATO conducted its air attacks, paramilitary Serbian bands, more or less controlled by Belgrade, conducted their own war against civilians.
Early in his presidency, the
attacks
of September 11, 2001, laid bare the need to rebuild the military and improve homeland security.
The
attacks
were widely reported to have been carried out by groups of immigrants from North Africa and the Middle East, which Daoud explained by saying that many Muslims from the region suffer from extreme sexual deprivation, which, he wrote, generates an “unhealthy relationship with women, their body, and desire.”
The episode created such a commotion in France that several authors – as well as many Franco-Algerian bloggers – came to Daoud’s defense, criticizing the
attacks
against him by Salafists and academics intent on bullying him into silence.
With the US looking more toward Asia, where China’s unilateral assertion of territorial claims in the South China Sea has jeopardized regional stability, it may become stretched too thin to provide a credible deterrent to Russian aggression, especially when it takes the form of unconventional, hybrid
attacks.
As the Stuxnet virus that infected Iran’s nuclear program showed, software
attacks
can have very real physical effects.
In the physical world, governments have a near-monopoly on large-scale use of force, the defender has an intimate knowledge of the terrain, and
attacks
end because of attrition or exhaustion.
Major states with elaborate technical and human resources could, in principle, create massive disruption and physical destruction through cyber
attacks
on military and civilian targets.
The world is only just beginning to see glimpses of cyber war – in the denial-of-service
attacks
that accompanied the conventional war in Georgia in 2008, or the recent sabotage of Iranian centrifuges.
India’s democracy and burgeoning economy make it a major factor in the Asian balance of power, and the recent terrorist
attacks
in Mumbai underscore a shared struggle against violent Islamic extremism.
Among other public sources, it could point to a study by the cyber-security firm Mandiant, which traced many such
attacks
to a People’s Liberation Army facility in Shanghai.
After all, part of the plot that culminated in the terrorist
attacks
of September 11, 2001, was hatched by an Egyptian living in Hamburg.
Opponents argue that the court created in 1978 under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) was designed for an era before the advent of big data, and that current practice stretches the provisions of the Patriot Act, passed after the September 11
attacks.
In the decade after September 11, 2001, the pendulum of public sentiment swung too far to the security pole; but it has begun to swing back in the absence of major new terrorist
attacks.
Yet he acted on the popular notion that anti-Semitic
attacks
by Arab youths in Europe are part of a cycle of reciprocal violence that yields a kind of moral equivalence.
In Britain, 317
attacks
were reported in 2009, compared to 112 in 2008.
In France, the number of violent
attacks
rose to 195 in 2009, compared to 50 the year before.
In the years following the terrorist
attacks
of September 11, 2001, for example, legitimate security concerns led to enormous student-visa delays and bureaucratic hassles for foreigners aspiring to study in the US.
But many of them are linked to Trump, whose
attacks
on the Paris climate accord, the Iran nuclear deal, NAFTA, NATO, the World Trade Organization, and the UN Human Rights Council have made it clear that he regards the international system as an unnecessary constraint on his administration.
Instead, the major powers will weaponize their interconnections, giving rise to more trade wars, cyber attacks, sanctions regimes, and electoral interference.
But he made the difficult decisions that led to the elimination of the instigator of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Osama bin Laden – a goal that his predecessor, George W. Bush, in his eagerness to invade Iraq, had lost interest in pursuing.
Not long after the September 2001 terrorist
attacks
in the United States, these liberal reformers joined with 160 other professionals to write and sign a petition to Crown Prince Abdullah asking for reforms.
“Upon the whole it rests with Congress to decide between war, tribute, and ransom as the means of re-establishing our Mediterranean commerce,” Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson advised President George Washington in 1790, as he pondered a response to continued
attacks
by the Barbary Pirates on America’s merchant fleet off of North Africa.
It responded to revolutionary France’s
attacks
on American ships destined for England by voiding treaties and commercial agreements, and then, at President John Adams’s request, by authorizing the use of force.
In the nearly 200 years that followed, Congress did so only four more times, three in response to
attacks
on US maritime interests – the Spanish-American War and the two world wars – and the Mexican-American War in 1846.
And so it was with most people in the Muslim world, who were as appalled as anyone else at the carnage of the terrorist
attacks
on Washington and New York.
Indeed, when America responded to the attacks, almost no one mourned the fall of the Taliban, who were universally condemned for their fanaticism.
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