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Assistance in sentence

1830 examples of Assistance in a sentence

To be sure, the ESS’s three basic tenets – development assistance, soft power, and effective multilateralism – remain important.
In fact, net private capital flows to developing countries now outweigh official development assistance by nearly ten to one worldwide.
For example, governments could provide information about investment opportunities, access to cheap capital, fiscal incentives, financial support for specific projects, credit guarantees, reduced disclosure requirements, official development assistance tied to FDI projects, or political support.
Official development assistance amounts to roughly $130 billion a year; though foreign-direct investment and portfolio inflows can help poor economies, additional sources of development finance must be found.
Lomborg also wonders why the US gets a low score on global “Partnership for the Goals,” even though the US gave around $33.6 billion in official development assistance (ODA) in 2016.
As such, it dominates the program launched by President Bill Clinton to provide cash assistance with significant restrictions.
This type of assistance is granted only to countries that show improvements in democratic governance and economic development.
At the same time, people living in or near such reserves must be given the assistance they need to farm, fish, and earn a livelihood in ways that do not destroy the very ecosystems on which both they and wildlife depend.
Many official instruments of soft power – public diplomacy, broadcasting, exchange programs, development assistance, disaster relief, military to military contacts – are scattered around the government, and there is no overarching strategypolicy, much less ora common budget, that even tries to integrate combine them with hard power into a national coherent security strategy.
Again, Obama has both the background – with his family ties to Kenya – and a promising policy, to increase America’s foreign assistance to $50 billion by 2012, using the money to stabilize failing states and bring sustainable growth to Africa.
But when Obama’s running mate, Joe Biden, was asked, in his debate with his Republican counterpart, Sarah Palin, what proposals an Obama-Biden administration might have to scale back as a result of the $700 billion Wall Street bailout, the only specific proposal he mentioned was the increase in foreign assistance.
The main idea of the Kissinger initiative is large reductions in US and Russian nuclear stockpiles, backed by improved security arrangements for fissile materials, a more intrusive inspection regime for the nuclear powers, and assistance for civilian nuclear programs.
Lack of adequate foreign assistance is one of the greatest disgraces on our planet, and the United States has been the biggest laggard of all.
The commitment began 44 years ago, in 1961, when the United Nations General Assembly adopted the objective that foreign assistance should increase significantly, “so as to reach as soon as possible approximately 1% of the combined national incomes of the economically advanced countries.”
At the time, foreign assistance was about 0.5% of rich-country income.
By the early 1990’s, official development assistance was still around 0.33% of donor GNP, and by the early 2000’s, it had declined to around 0.22% of GNP.
Yet the US and other countries did sign the Monterrey Consensus urging “developed countries that have not done so to make concrete efforts towards the target of 0.7% of Gross National Product as official development assistance.”
In fact, US official development assistance amounts to just 0.15% of America’s GNP, which is less than one-fourth the global target.
Given that danger, the risk premium will not revert to its previous level in the absence of outside assistance.
So makeshift assistance will be sufficient to allow Greece to succeed, but that leaves Spain, Italy, Portugal, and Ireland.
It is clear what is needed: more intrusive monitoring and institutional arrangements for conditional assistance.
The United States is expected to match the IMF tranche with a $1 billion loan guarantee, and the European Union will offer $673 million in macroeconomic-finance assistance.
But education has always been hard to promote as a subject of foreign assistance.
This is not to say that educational development is a field where foreign assistance is inappropriate.
But because there are limits to what foreign assistance can achieve, it needs to be planned carefully.
However such assistance is delivered, one thing is certain: universal access to primary education and vocational training programs is at the heart of any strategy to eliminate poverty and to ensure stability.
Indeed, poor countries also often lack the private insurance needed to offer the type of emergency assistance that citizens of wealthy nations have come to expect.
Perhaps migrants worry--just like actual insurance companies--that furnishing too much assistance would result in recipients doing less to protect themselves.
Measuring more than just income is essential to understanding the needs of poor people and delivering optimal assistance.
There is also another central question that has not yet been granted the attention it merits: who should actually take responsibility for the assistance?
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