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Assistance in sentence

1830 examples of Assistance in a sentence

Yet, by and large, Chinese assistance is welcomed rather than feared.
And the MasterCard Foundation is providing disadvantaged African students with financial assistance to attend secondary schools and university.
In some cases, Russia may have actually provided financial assistance to these groups.
That pilot project demonstrated that people with mental disabilities are capable of living as equal citizens when they receive appropriate assistance.
In past years, South Korea has been the primary external source of food, through either direct food assistance (for the immediate problem) or deliveries of fertilizer.
For this reason, the issues facing South Korean public opinion as it decides whether to help with food assistance are not easy; indeed, they could be quite wrenching.
The normal sequence would be assistance, persuasion, and non-military pressure like sanctions and criminal prosecution.
For the next decade, however, and especially for the next five years, there will be no escape from the need to rely on international financing, and mainly grant assistance, to finance the rebuilding effort.
Merkel would cause outrage among her conservative voters (as well as court defeat at the German Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe) should she agree to a more free-spending policy, including any direct financial assistance for Greece.
But these subsidies are very different from social assistance and social insurance programs.
In 2014, for the second consecutive year, official development assistance (ODA) totaled a historic high of $135 billion, according to new OECD data.
These donor countries have also pledged to meet a UN target of spending at least 0.15% of their gross national income on development assistance to the least-developed countries.
The liberal vision also includes a major Japanese role in stabilizing globalization by supporting international trade and monetary institutions; alleviating global poverty by increasing overseas development assistance, particularly to Africa; helping to develop instruments for conflict prevention and management such as the United Nations Peace-building Commission; and participating in UN peacekeeping operations.
Let me add another: Western assistance to EU non-candidate countries is neither comprehensive nor systematic.
If such massive assistance was necessary to restore the market economy to Western Europe's closest neighbours, who spent "only" 45 years under Communism, how much greater is the challenge of building modern economies from scratch in remote lands like Kyrgyzstan or Tajikistan?
No matter how hard they try - and Kyrgyzstan has certainly tried - they are doomed to fail without co-ordinated, well-designed and adequate assistance.
President Bush wants Congress to fund $5 billion of assistance over three years to the world's poorest countries.
From my perspective at the OSCE, it is clear that far more needs to be done:The EU's technical capacity, which has been preoccupied by enlargement, could be redirected towards assistance for the non-candidate countries of Euro-Asia.
Building the institutions of a market economy should be the main focus, not alignment with expensive EU standards in food production or the environment;The EU should gradually phase out its Common Agricultural Policy, which primarily benefits owners of large farms, and instead develop new instruments of financial assistance for its own poor regions and its new neighbours;Current EU members and successful candidate countries could make available large-scale training programmes in market-relevant disciplines for the young generation in CIS countries;Taking as a model the Stability Pact in the Balkans, the EU could offer concrete incentives, such as economic assistance and the prospect of closer integration, to stimulate parties to end unresolved regional conflicts in the Caucasus, Transdniestria and Central Asia;The main actors providing international assistance - including the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, EBRD, the EU itself and the United Nations Development Programme - should ensure a minimum level of co-ordination to avoid duplication and waste.
Under these circumstances, time – measured in human lives – is intolerably expensive, which is why I recently proposed a political solution that involved international military assistance to shore up a new government appointed by the National Assembly.
Short on skilled experts, a post-Qaddafi Libya risks becoming dependent on foreign assistance, much like the Palestinians, who live largely from international aid rather than from their own economic activity.
Since World War II, military considerations have barely factored into Japanese policy, and official development assistance, which began as war reparations, has placed international imperatives above domestic concerns.
Created in 2002 as a partnership between governments and civil society, the Global Fund is unique in the way it aims to deliver assistance.
Yet, while pledges to increase development assistance have soared, short-term funding is woefully inadequate.
In 2016, 17 million people needed government assistance to make ends meet.
This could be remedied by injecting incentives for cooperation into the ways the EU provides assistance.
Today almost all EU assistance given through the Phare program goes through candidate governments or through counter-parties residing in the EU.
Or, as is true of many of America’s diplomatic transactions, accepting advice could open the way to a better relationship and to additional assistance.
According to current United Nations estimates, more than 80,000 Syrians are dead, and 6.8 million – one-third of the country’s population – need urgent humanitarian assistance.
The most immediate need, about which there should be little controversy, is massive humanitarian assistance.
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