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Assets in sentence

2739 examples of Assets in a sentence

When investors and central banks place their wealth in Treasury bonds and other US assets, the US government can go on spending whatever it needs to sustain its many security commitments around the world, and to finance its trade and budget deficits.
Beyond being incomplete, this approach implicitly favors the wealthy, who hold a disproportionately large share of financial assets.
One choice was shock therapy - quick privatization of state-owned assets and abrupt liberalization of trade, prices, and capital flows - while the other was gradual market liberalization to allow for the rule of law to be established at the same time.
The low prices that the privatized assets are likely to fetch will create the sense of an illegitimate sell-off foisted on the country by the occupiers and their collaborators.
Furthermore, those buying privatized assets may then be reluctant to invest in them; instead, as happened elsewhere, their efforts may be directed more at asset stripping than at wealth creation.
But UK banks’ assets amounted to eight times the country’s GDP before the crisis and will presumably approach that level again with Carney’s encouragement.
Can the BoE – and the UK Treasury – really provide downside insurance for this full amount, or are the UK authorities set on the path to becoming another Iceland (where the value of bank assets peaked at more than 11 times the country’s GDP)?
During the 1998 financial crisis, devaluation would have hurt those who owned local real estate but had little earnings or assets in US dollars.
A central aspect of globalization is the careful documentation of the knowledge and legal tools needed to combine the property rights of seemingly useless single assets (electronic parts, legal rights to production, and so on) into complex wholes (an iPhone), and appropriate the surplus value they generate.
Instead, their entrepreneurial talents and legal rights to assets are recorded in hundreds of scattered records and rules systems throughout their countries, making them internationally inaccessible.
Despite the recent rebound, China’s stock-market capitalization amounts to only 40% of GDP, while banking assets total 266% of GDP.
What will this landmark change mean for prices of such assets as stocks and homes?
The higher interest rates go, the better are investments in bonds, which compete with investments in other assets such as stocks or homes.
Higher interest rates also raise the cost of borrowing to buy these assets, which may diminish demand for them, exerting downward pressure on their prices.
When the global financial crisis erupted, they flooded into dollar assets, even though the crisis originated in the United States.
Technically, this should be recorded as a bigger surplus on the investment-income account, matched by greater acquisition of assets overseas.
The currently available historical statistics show that in every year from 1982 to 2000, the initial estimate of the net international investment position was subsequently revised upward, as statisticians found overseas assets about which they previously had no way of knowing.
Certainly a lot of the discrepancy is attributable to valuation effects: since 1982, the dollar value of overseas assets has increased repeatedly, owing to increases in the dollar value of foreign currency and increases in the assets’ foreign-currency value.
But part of the discrepancy also reflects the discovery of missing assets, some of which may have originated in the reinvestment of overseas income.
If true investment income were double what is reported, the difference was reinvested abroad in the years 1982-2000, and those assets were discovered by 2014, that would explain about half of the upward revision in the US net international investment position.
It is also a sought-after investment currency: Non-German investors hold about 20% of domestic German bonds and 1.300 bn in D-Mark assets.
If people feel rich and enjoy growing wages and appreciating assets, they are less inclined to cannibalize other spending when commodity consumption becomes more expensive.
The second is exposure: how many people and assets are in the wrong place at the wrong time?
Together, these three factors determine risk, which rises with more frequent or ferocious triggering events, more people or assets exposed, or lower preparedness.
Earlier this year, the PBOC attempted to clean up its toxic assets and promote bank deleveraging.
But, given a rising bidding rate, peaking capital costs, and restrictions on the downstream transfer of assets, these efforts seem unlikely to ease the strain.
Clearly, China’s problem is not insufficient assets or liquidity.
Rather, capital-structure and maturity mismatches – a result of the rapid and uneven buildup of debt in the last five years – have distorted the allocation of resources, leading to non-performing, idle, and inefficient assets, thereby amplifying the financial system’s hidden flaws and increasing risk.
Furthermore, the financial system has become excessively dependent on credit, especially when it comes to risk assets.
The incomes needed to repay loans have evaporated, and assets posted as collateral have lost value.
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