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Arrangements in sentence

1019 examples of Arrangements in a sentence

The institutional arrangements for this option already exist, in the form of the European Economic Area (EEA), a sort of anteroom to full EU membership, currently occupied by three small but prosperous European countries: Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein.
These countries never experienced modern market arrangements.
Trade and monetary agreements are still reached, but they increasingly take the form of regional and bilateral deals, rather than multilateral arrangements, thereby serving broader geopolitical goals.
As the current crisis has demonstrated yet again, capitalism needs stabilizing arrangements such as a lender of last resort and counter-cyclical fiscal policy.
Such arrangements prevail in large parts of Latin America, the Arab Middle East, and Africa.
American efforts to persuade China to play a greater role in regional security arrangements may be strengthened, and China’s awareness of the vulnerability of its supply routes to US naval disruption in the unlikely event of conflict could also have a subtle effect on each side’s bargaining power.
But the Schengen agreement offers an alternative, namely arrangements between individual states.
Many of the existing partnership arrangements that NATO has at its disposal, particularly the Partnership for Peace, are obsolete.
Russia, in particular, has focused on treaties, conferences, and political arrangements.
But we should also maintain a healthy skepticism about any great power seeking to use those arrangements to its own advantage.
Even in countries with well-developed systems of corporate governance, arrangements that are excessively lax on corporate insiders persist.
Political impediments often enable lax arrangements to linger even after they are recognized as inefficient.
By creating a large public demand for reforms, the current crisis offers another opportunity to improve governance arrangements.
Given the rising risk of conflict in Asia – owing to a toxic combination of rapid GDP growth, an arms race, historical resentments, rampant chauvinism, territorial disputes, and a lack of effective institutional arrangements for conflict resolution – Europe should welcome a stronger US presence in the region.
A crisis, when the viability of established arrangements is called into question, is just such a window.
By 2016, the Fund accounted for only one-third of those resources, with regional financial arrangements and bilateral swap agreements accounting for the rest.
But regional arrangements are not found everywhere, while only a limited number of central banks have access to swap agreements.
Only then can any credence be given to its stated position – not unattractive in principle – in favor of resource-sharing arrangements for disputed territory pending final resolution of competing claims.
In particular, the Kurds – America’s most reliable and effective ally in the fight against ISIS – are likely to be left out in the cold, despite official US assurances about security arrangements after the US withdrawal.
On the positive side, we have broad agreement on higher-quality capital and liquidity standards with appropriate phase-in arrangements.
Opponents say that the agencies making the arrangements will be the biggest winners – that the huge profits they reap will dwarf the fees paid by foreign couples to the women bearing their children.
Setting aside the recent African commodity boom, most economic growth has happened in three world regions with similar productive arrangements.
Such arrangements, however, would likely require Russian involvement and support to keep the Syrian and Iranian governments on board.
Much has been said or written about what “final status” or peace between Israel and the Palestinians would look like, but important differences remain regarding borders, the status of Jerusalem and its holy places, the rights of refugees, the future of Israeli settlements, and security arrangements.
Similarly, the potential gains from improved trade arrangements were being exhausted as they joined the European Union.
Other economists, mainly in Europe, argue that Germany must assume a political role befitting its economic preeminence and must accept sovereignty-sharing (and burden-sharing) arrangements to ensure the monetary union’s cohesion and sustainability.
Almost as improbable is a “hard Brexit,” in which Britain and Europe agree to an orderly separation, but with no preferential arrangements for future trade.
In fact, creditors arguably are more responsible: typically, they are sophisticated financial institutions, whereas borrowers frequently are far less attuned to market vicissitudes and the risks associated with different contractual arrangements.
But the emerging arrangements would offer far more room for maneuver than the more restrictive WTO regime.
They certainly have been since the end of World War II; but in their face-to-face televised debates and on the campaign trail, the candidates seem to evince little appreciation of the role of institutionalized security arrangements (much less international law) over the past 70 years.
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