Arrangements
in sentence
1019 examples of Arrangements in a sentence
In their book Why Nations Fail, Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson argue that societies with political
arrangements
that concentrate power in the hands of a few seldom excel at innovation and growth, because innovators have no guarantee they will keep the fruits of their labors.
And, to the extent that outsiders cannot generate wealth, they have few resources with which to challenge the power of insiders; as a result, exclusionary political
arrangements
are mostly self-sustaining.
But do not misjudge us: the negotiations are about the arrangements, not about the final outcome.
Consideration also needs to be given, therefore, to the establishment of a NATO-China Council, along the lines of the NATO-Russia Council, and to the creation of
arrangements
that would facilitate greater cooperation with the SCO as a whole.
Alternatively, citizens could try to lead efforts to re-negotiate their countries’ constitutional
arrangements.
Without knowing what specific regional
arrangements
would follow Brexit, the pro-EU camp cannot make a decisive economic and financial case for remaining.
The consequences extended beyond economics and finance, straining regional political arrangements, amplifying national political dysfunction, and fueling the rise of anti-establishment parties and movements.
The European Union’s legitimacy deficit derives from the popular suspicion that its institutional
arrangements
have veered too far from the former to the latter.
To make us choose what is good for us, they avoid fines, compulsion, and prohibition in favor of “nudges” – institutional
arrangements
that we could, in principle, easily override, but that, given our tendency to rely on System I, we end up going along with.
Instead of distorting their economies to qualify for second-class EU membership, perhaps they would be better off sheltering under Nato's umbrella and relying on global trading
arrangements
to seek their fortunes beyond Europe's shores.
With the trading
arrangements
of the European common market increasingly subsumed by the globalisation of free trade and agriculture under the World Trade Organisation, and with American dominance of Nato providing the only meaningful security guarantee, and with English now irrevocably established as the world's lingua franca, a clear alternative is emerging for the peripheral European countries, both rich and poor.
Syria has many minorities whose numbers are too small to secure representation through the ballot box, and thus need to be protected by other means, such as political
arrangements
and institutions aimed explicitly at guaranteeing minority rights.
European leaders should recognize their own mistakes and acknowledge the democratic deficit in the current institutional
arrangements.
But it seems that existing
arrangements
are no longer adequate.
Indeed, one might legitimately question whether we have a “system” at all, at least compared to the Bretton Woods
arrangements
and, before that, the seeming simplicity of the gold standard.
Such arrangements, which should be described as government-sponsored commercialism, are considered unacceptable by all relevant international declarations.
Aside from the usual efficiency arguments, it is just going to become increasingly difficult and costly to maintain complex and idiosyncratic national tax
arrangements.
But the decisions that Scotland would have to make about its monetary
arrangements
in the months following a vote for independence are at least as likely to be confronted by some eurozone countries over the next couple of years.
One may infer that such informal
arrangements
survive in real-world employment relationships because they reinforce our heartfelt feelings of good will toward each other.
Globalization’s cheerleaders do considerable damage to their cause by framing the issue as a stark choice between existing trade
arrangements
and the persistence of global poverty.
Given the lack of political will to make progress on this front, however, it may be sensible to begin by focusing on national-level solutions that, if successful, could pave the way for eurozone-level
arrangements.
As large-scale regional free-trade
arrangements
take shape, the EU continues to signal unequivocal commitment to free trade through sophisticated bilateral agreements.
But, given the Asia-Pacific region’s high trade volumes, and its dense set of trading
arrangements
running in every direction, no one, including China, is about to be isolated.
The loss of settled EU
arrangements
would be balanced by the chance for Britain to rediscover its own way, not least in fiscal and industrial policy.
With existing international
arrangements
remaining virtually static since the mid-twentieth century (even as non-Western economic powers and nontraditional challenges have emerged), the world needs more than the halfhearted and desultory steps taken thus far.
The Korean people have a historical right to determine their peninsula’s future arrangements, including unification should they so choose.
Such
arrangements
will often be ad hoc and flexible, rather than traditional binding deals, and will almost never be comprehensive.
If established international organizations are no longer sufficiently trusted to carry out this function, the US and Europe may well need new domestic
arrangements.
What is unique, and particularly far-reaching, is the precedent Brexit sets for other countries (or regions) to “exit” from their respective political and economic
arrangements
– whether it is Scotland and Northern Ireland in the UK, or Catalonia in Spain.
The UK’s trade, finance, and immigration
arrangements
are far too complex and entrenched to be renegotiated quickly.
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