Argument
in sentence
1858 examples of Argument in a sentence
And, given how many ascendant tyrants have systematically disarmed the population they seek to control, it is difficult to dismiss this
argument
entirely.
In his closing
argument
at trial, Perugian prosecutor Giuliano Mignini played a computer-generated simulation that showed an avatar-Amanda killing an avatar-Meredith.
Admati and Hellwig are confronting the bankers and their allies in no uncertain terms, grounding their
argument
in deep financial thinking, yet writing for a broad audience.
Daniel Bell and Raymond Aron wrote about the end of fascist and communist ideology in the hope that we would enter an age of pragmatism in which politics would be a subject of
argument
and debate, not belief and total worldviews.
As far as I can figure out, the
argument
is that Trump will magically make the trade deficit go away, and this, in turn, will miraculously boost jobs.
Its leaders will now have to take much more resolute steps on the way to peace if the
argument
that they used to derail the Goldstone Report – that it should be seen as “hindering the peace process” – is to have any credibility at all.
Read an extended version of this
argument
in J. Bradford DeLong’s blog post, “Barbers on the March.”
He behaved, he explained later, as the early Bolsheviks would: when you disagree with an opponent, you must make your
argument
loud and clear – and drown theirs with noise.
But China’s authorities might respond more favorably to an
argument
that points out how China’s own economic health might benefit from abandoning the current exchange-rate policy, which pegs the yuan to the dollar.
Such an
argument
is not difficult to make.
The danger is that scientific decisions with a scientific-technical component are no longer subject to study or rational argument, but instead are fought over by various interest groups, with some invariably claiming that their taxes should be used to fund only research that is compatible with their values.
But, while no one disputes that things have gone wrong in Greece, the
argument
that fiscal consolidation necessarily leads to never-ending recession is not borne out by the facts.
It says a great deal about the gullibility of financial markets that they took this
argument
seriously.
More accurately, tax cuts were what Wall Street wanted, and financial professionals were willing to accept any
argument
that served that purpose.
The traditional
argument
for an independent central bank is that politicians can’t be trusted to conduct monetary and macroeconomic policy.
And yet bankers are insisting that the post-crisis task of strengthening regulation and building a safer financial system has nearly been completed, with some citing recent studies of bank safety to support this
argument.
This complicates the FBI’s
argument
about public safety.
Kagan’s
argument
is that other countries cannot be relied upon to behave responsibly without strong US leadership.
But this
argument
has the familiar whiff of the late stages of empire.
We found his
argument
unconvincing – both then and now.
Ferguson, too, can make a sound
argument
for such a proposition.
But pursuing the anti-oligarchy
argument
is not the best way to reduce inequality.
The anti-oligarchy
argument
claim is that the rich have too much money, which they use to elect politicians who will enact laws that favor their interests.
In the United States and the United Kingdom, some students and teachers now seek to constrain
argument
and debate.
In fact, he made me a great deal better informed, more open to discussion of ideas that challenged my own, more capable of distinguishing between an
argument
and a quarrel, and more prepared to think for myself.
Liberty requires some limits (decided freely by democratic
argument
under the rule of law) in order to exist.
For the sake of argument, assume that the poorest half of the population cannot afford some vaccine that would ensure them basic good health.
Some in the Bush administration accept this argument, saying that they are happy to see Latin American democracies seeking influence where the United States cannot.
Harvard’s Lawrence H. Summers got a lot of attention for his
argument
that the world risked sliding toward “secular stagnation,” because the interest rate needed to bring desired investment in line with desired savings was below zero.
It is now, the
argument
goes, another region’s turn.
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