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Argument in sentence

1858 examples of Argument in a sentence

First, the core of Weber’s argument was that religious values that emphasize restraint and a sense of duty may support dependability and reliability in business relations, which is especially vital in societies that are just opening up market relations.
That may be the case, and it may be a tempting argument to make in authoritarian societies that are unsympathetic to beliefs that challenge their own legitimacy.
In the eighteenth century, Voltaire constructed an analogous argument, claiming that religion’s major virtue was its social usefulness.
Such thinking goes back at least as far as Max Weber’s argument that an effective business environment requires a legal structure as predictable as a clock.
In all of my accounts of secular stagnation, I stressed that it was an argument not for any kind of fatalism, but rather for policies to promote demand, especially through fiscal expansion.
I cannot see the basis for the argument that a substantially larger fiscal stimulus was feasible.
I have not seen a convincing causal argument linking the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act and the financial crisis.
Some will see in this contretemps proof of the age-old argument that India’s democracy is an obstacle to development.
The surge in cross-border flows of goods, services, capital, and information produced by technological innovation and market liberalization has made the world’s countries too interconnected, their argument goes, for any country to be able to solve its economic problems on its own.
In such instances, there is a clear argument for global rules that limit or prohibit the use of such policies.
Some even embraced the argument of the US libertarian Ron Paul, blaming the very existence of the Federal Reserve as a lender of last resort.
The one argument that seems – at least superficially – to put the public interest first is that an involuntary restructuring might lead to financial contagion, with large eurozone economies like Italy, Spain, and even France facing a sharp, and perhaps prohibitive, rise in borrowing costs.
From an economic standpoint, with China increasingly exposed to the discipline of international trade and facing an economic slowdown, the argument for reining in corruption is as strong as ever.
My argument rested on my view that the global economy was entering a major recession, and I had the benefit of my quantitative work, with Carmen Reinhart, on the history of financial crises.
The same general argument probably holds for India and other developing countries.
But the lower-discount-rate argument is more persuasive, and is consistent with underlying economic conditions and central banks’ mandates.
Admittedly, however, the argument in favor of capital punishment becomes less clear-cut as the number of lives saved per execution falls.
A powerful argument for reserving capital punishment for murders is “marginal deterrence.”
For those whose living standards have stagnated or declined in recent decades, even as political leaders have touted free trade and capital flows as the recipe for increased prosperity, the argument holds considerable appeal.
This argument does not hold for a government without its own central bank, in which case it faces exactly the same budget constraint as the oft-cited Swabian housewife.
The problem with this argument is that governments are rarely faced with having to “pay off” their debts.
The argument is that if the current generation spends more than it earns, the next generation will be forced to earn more than it spends to pay for it.
Moreover, the products that foreign-invested joint ventures produce usually enjoy monopoly prices in China, a benefit that weakens the American argument further.Still, China’s leaders should not be tone deaf.
Moreover, the products that foreign-invested joint ventures produce usually enjoy monopoly prices in China, a benefit that weakens the American argument further.
The classic argument for free trade holds that specialization and exchange benefits everyone, because goods are produced where they are produced best.
But, over the last two decades, a growing number of studies have demonstrated that this is only a small part of the argument.
My argument was that adverse expectations could affect a policy’s results, not just the chances that it will be adopted.
The pessimists’ third argument is that emerging economies are not implementing fast enough the structural reforms needed to support long-term growth.
Again, there is some truth to this argument: structural reforms are needed everywhere.
Sinn sidesteps this argument by claiming that there is no legal basis for compelling Germany to choose between agreeing to Eurobonds or leaving the euro.
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