Argument
in sentence
1858 examples of Argument in a sentence
Even more galling for the MAFF’s traditionalists, their food security
argument
is being turned on its head.
While the logic of this
argument
is shaky, it taps into deep Japanese concerns about China’s rise.
Summers’s argument, in a nutshell, is that if the expected profitability of investment is falling, interest rates need to fall to the same extent.
The novelty of Summers’s
argument
is the claim that “secular stagnation” began 15-20 years before the crash.
Those who know their history will recognize that Summers is reviving an
argument
advanced by the American economist Alvin Hansen in 1938.
But his
argument
was not foolish; it was the assumptions underlying it that turned out to be wrong.
This is not an easy
argument
to dismiss, especially given the possibility that Bolsonaro could still lose the election – a win-win outcome.
Advocates of this position go on to deploy the so-called "precautionary principle" to counter the
argument
that there is no scientific evidence that DDT spraying damages natural capital.
He was not making a xenophobic
argument
that Muslims do not belong in Great Britain, or a multiculturalist
argument
that Muslims should be allowed to wear whatever traditional garb they believe best expresses their cultural and religious sensibilities.
They must endorse Renzi’s “there are no excuses” narrative as the post-crisis equivalent of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s
argument
that “there is no alternative.”
The party denies the
argument
that democracy will foster Islamic extremism and claims that it is the delay of reform that presents a major source of danger.
The most interesting remaining
argument
for unequal treatment relates to activities for which there is a premium on physical qualities, as in sport.
One
argument
frequently made for equalizing pay is that sportswomen put in as much effort as sportsmen to produce their results.
One
argument
is that women in sport would command the same market price as men, if only structural gender biases, such as greater media coverage and sponsorship for men’s sports, were removed.
This
argument
is based on the assumption – which extends far beyond sports – that real gender equality will not be achieved until the formation of tastes and habits is no longer subject to gender stereotypes.
Readers will detect here echoes of the “savings glut”
argument
popularized nearly a decade ago by the likes of former US Federal Reserve Board Chairmen Alan Greenspan and Ben Bernanke.
This
argument
has considerable merit.
Whether countries abide by agreements has far more to do with international processes of persuasion, socialization, and capacity-building – and those can be done by anyone with a good
argument.
Once the link between “reform” and growth is broken – as it has been in Greece – his
argument
collapses.
Stop the currency manipulation, went the argument, and America’s gaping trade deficit would narrow – providing lasting and meaningful benefits to hard-pressed workers.
While this
argument
has great emotional and political appeal, it is deeply flawed, because the United States has an insidious saving problem.
And it is here that the currency manipulation
argument
falls apart.
Graeber sums up this
argument
in what he calls an “iron law of liberalism”: “any market reform, any government initiative intended to reduce red tape and promote market forces, will have the ultimate effect of increasing the total number of regulations, the total amount of paperwork, and the total number of bureaucrats the government employs.”
The legal
argument
would be that the EU customs territory has not changed, so existing EU trade agreements must continue to apply to the UK.
But this
argument
could be contested, leaving UK exporters suddenly confronting tariffs and other trade barriers.
By its own admission, Al Qaeda has been caught off guard, no doubt because the group’s central
argument
has been that the fall of oppressive Arab governments could come only through violence.
When it comes to policymaking, decisions must be based on facts and argument, not anecdotes and stories, however compelling those narratives may be.
Sub-Prime Economic TheoryThe insistence that those responsible for today’s financial crisis pay a price lest they repeat their mistakes – the so called moral hazard
argument
– recalls the great American orator William Jennings Bryan’s immortal “cross of gold” speech: “You shall not press down upon the brow of labor a crown of thorns.
In terms of realpolitik, this
argument
is strengthened by the fact that Iraq’s national army is all but incapable of defeating the IS, while the Kurdish militias could – but only if they are equipped with modern weapons.
The
argument
for investing in disaster preparedness is simple.
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