Argument
in sentence
1858 examples of Argument in a sentence
But, as long as the Japanese left used history to make this political argument, the nationalists pushed back by claiming that stories of wartime atrocities had been greatly exaggerated.
Full of conjecture and bias, the report is based on the
argument
that Putin must be an enemy, because he doesn’t share Western values.
In the face of such security concerns, my
argument
that taking a human life is wrong, and that the state should not compound criminal wrongdoing with its own, found little resonance.
One key
argument
for forcing central banks to adhere to strict inflation targets is that it eliminates the temptation to use “monetary financing” (purchases of government bonds) unexpectedly, either to stimulate the economy or to inflate away its debt.
What is worse, the
argument
goes, the expectation of monetary financing would drive governments to borrow excessively.
The commission’s members do recognize that London’s loss of status as a global financial center would be costly in terms of jobs and output, so they developed a second line of
argument.
That
argument
is persuasively made by Atif Mian and Amir Sufi in House of Debt, an important new book that analyzes US data on a county-by-county basis.
But this
argument
misses a crucial point: cooperation is a matter of degree, and the degree is affected by attraction or repulsion.
Thiel, for his part, refutes the
argument
– often made by robot doomsayers – that the impact of artificial intelligence and advanced robotics on the labor force will mirror globalization’s impact on advanced-country workers.
Thiel’s
argument
may be correct.
But it is far from being a safe bet on which to rest an entire argument, as Thiel has.
Unless he agrees to water down the new government’s pro-EU stance, runs the argument, he could very well suffer a rebellion and even the collapse of his majority.
She considers, and accepts, an
argument
advanced by Wayne Sumner, a distinguished Canadian philosopher: if the patient’s circumstances are such that suicide would be ethically permissible were the patient able to do it, then it is also ethically permissible for the physician to provide the means for the patient to do it.
But the negative reaction to Hollande’s proposal shows the folly of Lawson’s
argument
that the eurozone is a unified bloc.
Lawson’s second
argument
is that there is a European plot against London.
Moreover, this
argument
neglects the basic point that the rest of the world is linked to Europe through the EU’s 46 trade agreements, with the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership now being negotiated with the United States.
Once one understands that EU membership costs each British citizen roughly £1 ($1.51) weekly, the
argument
that it is an untenable burden for the UK falls apart.
But, as Oxford’s Kevin O’Rourke recently argued, this is hardly a sufficient
argument.
This
argument
is based on the idea that business does not like change, and in particular does not like change brought about by government policy or regulation.
The American political scientist Andrew Moravcsik makes the similar
argument
that European nations, singly and collectively, are the only states other than the US that are able to “exert global influence across the full spectrum from ‘hard’ to ‘soft’ power.
A standard
argument
used by US Democrats against Republican business CEOs who were running for Congress last year was that they had exported US jobs.
In the US, for example, demonstrators could not assemble close to Congress until the early 1970s, when the Supreme Court finally rejected the
argument
that Capitol Hill was an especially dignified space deserving of refuge from the unwashed masses.
But surely the way a society cares for its sick and needy and elderly is sufficiently important to deserve serious and thoughtful
argument
based on what we really can see with our own eyes rather than on uninformed partisan prejudice.
Stiglitz set out his
argument
over a remarkable ten-year period.
But the
argument
that sanctions would work better than negotiations flies in the face of the facts: despite stronger sanctions, Iran has dramatically increased its uranium-enrichment capacity.
Moreover, it is an
argument
that is often made by those who have never supported any diplomatic process, and who have little experience with the give and take of international negotiations.
There is a ring of plausibility to the
argument
that with finance, as with luxury goods, you can have too much of a good thing.
But this
argument
has it backward.
The Liberals make the sensible
argument
that anybody with a job should get a work visa, but that knowledge of Swedish be a citizenship requirement and that unemployed immigrants be barred from receiving social benefits for five years.
This is not an
argument
in favor of imperialism.
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