Argued
in sentence
1563 examples of Argued in a sentence
He has
argued
– also persuasively – that today’s innovations in areas like information and communications technology (ICT) cannot be expected to have as big an economic payoff as those of the past, such as electricity and the automobile.
As I
argued
two months ago, this policy shift was to be expected.
The Cardinal
argued
that evolution is the work of God and that evolutionary theory should be interpreted in that light and no other.
“I don’t think it hurts to remind people who live in totalitarian states, subtly perhaps, that they might also do something about their own domestic totalitarianism, instead of just running away from it,” Havel, then Czechoslovakia’s most famous anti-communist dissident,
argued
in 1986.
Democratic regimes, Tocqueville argued, determine our thoughts, desires, and passions.
It could use force, and some officials have
argued
that if North Korea launched a war in response to a limited American air strike, Kim would lose his regime.
Those of us who think that science and religion dwell in different domains, and who recall that Socrates
argued
that science did not teach you about morality or meaning, find that our case is undermined by the literalists and fundamentalists in every religion.
Likewise, there are hard-line Jews, such as the settler groups who drive Palestinians from their homes in East Jerusalem and Hebron, who have forgotten the early teachings of Jewish scholars who
argued
that strangers should be treated like your own people.
At that time, we and our colleague Robert Dugger
argued
that a much more effective and fair use of taxpayers’ money would be to reduce the value of mortgages held by ordinary Americans to reflect the decline in home prices and to inject capital into the financial institutions that would become undercapitalized.
As Mark Wu of Harvard
argued
in a 2016 paper, although market forces play a strong role in its economy, coordination by the state (and control by the Communist Party) remains pervasive.
Political upheavals of some kind were to be expected after the 2008 economic crisis, as I have
argued
for years.
Northwestern University’s Robert Gordon, for example,
argued
that the US economy was bound to slow down, because today’s technological innovations would not boost growth to the extent they had in the past.
Others will argue that far more must be done, that banks need far higher capital, and possibly, as the proponents of a recent Swiss referendum argued, that banks should lose their ability to create money.
As the British journal Nature
argued
in 1992, a broad scientific consensus holds that “the same physical and biological laws govern the response of organisms modified by modern molecular and cellular methods and those produced by classical methods....[Therefore] no conceptual distinction exists between genetic modification of plants and microorganisms by classical methods or by molecular techniques that modify DNA and transfer genes.”
The Greeks, it can be argued, have not earned the right to be saved.
Many
argued
that the government should have focused on rescuing homeowners; instead, the government chose to support the banks – a policy from which the financial elite benefited the most.
Senior ministers in the United Kingdom and other northern European countries, relying on little more than armchair behavioral economics,
argued
that Mare Nostrum encouraged more migrants to attempt the dangerous sea crossing.
As Hyun Shin and other economists at the Bank for International Settlements have argued, low developed-country interest rates and a weak dollar drove financial markets, led by the New York and London hubs, to borrow money in low-interest-rate currencies and invest in higher-interest-rate currencies.
The economic crisis, he argued, is not over until it is over, which it is not yet.
As the philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre
argued
in After Virtue, narratives frame individuals’ moral choices.
The History at the End of HistoryFifteen years ago in my book The End of History and the Last Man I
argued
that, if a society wanted to be modern, there was no alternative to a market economy and a democratic political system.
Bush
argued
that the desire for freedom and democracy were universal and not culture-bound, and that America would be dedicated to the support of democratic movements “with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.”
As Nomura economist Richard Koo has
argued
about Japan, the focus should be on the demand side of crisis-battered economies, where growth is impaired by a debt-rejection syndrome that invariably takes hold in the aftermath of a “balance sheet recession.”
Time and again, it is
argued
that the single currency does not fit the different needs of its member countries, and that unsustainable economic divergence will ultimately require that the euro be abandoned.
Thus, Darwin argued, they must increase the probability of more offspring by making the males more attractive to female mates.
Only by embracing universal values and distancing itself from "evil states," Yu argued, can China rise to the level of the world's mainstream democracies.
Moreover, Liu argued, the government's marginalization of pro-war sentiment and promotion of anti-war views accords with its broader effort to ascribe almost every domestic and international disaster to American hegemony.
Most of the debts, it could be argued, are between different Chinese state entities – for example, owed by local-government financing vehicles or state-owned enterprises to state-owned banks.
Only through unification, Nietzsche argued, could continental Europe have a strong voice in world affairs, which at that time meant being on an equal footing with the British and Russian empires in their strategic “great game,” the winner of which would control Afghanistan and northern India.
They
argued
on the basis of free-market ideology rather than evidence, claiming that foreign aid always fails.
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