Argued in sentence

1563 examples of Argued in a sentence

This question was at the heart of his greatest novel, War and Peace – so much so that Tolstoy sometimes argued that his book was not a novel at all, but an inquiry into the philosophy of history.

Moreover, the British political scientist Glyn Morgan has argued that a robust concept of pan-European security also requires a pan-European state, and that it is irresponsible on the part of Europe’s elites to maintain a permanent position of strategic dependency on the United States.

As I argued in my book The Geopolitics of Emotion (which was translated into Norwegian), populism is the direct product of a culture of fear.

But as Burgess himself argued, the novella has an almost Christian message: what makes us human is our freedom to choose both good and evil, and for society to crush individuals into servile conformity is as wicked as, and perhaps even worse than, the sadism of psychopaths like Alex.

Detractors have argued that the reforms will deter foreign investment.

Kuznets argued against making this fundamental change in perspective permanent, and he urged governments to return to focusing on income and its distribution.

Otherwise, he argued, the country’s economic gains would be lost.

But it can be argued in simple language that markets work for all only if they are regulated in the interests of all; that public expenditures that create productive assets can reduce the ratio of public debt to national income; and that performance should be measured by how widely the fruits of growth are shared.

Consider just a few examples: Anat Admati and Simon Johnson have advocated radical banking reforms;Thomas Piketty and Tony Atkinson have proposed a rich menu of policies to deal with inequality at the national level;Mariana Mazzucato and Ha-Joon Chang have written insightfully on how to deploy the public sector to foster inclusive innovation;Joseph Stiglitz and José Antonio Ocampo have proposed global reforms;Brad DeLong, Jeffrey Sachs, and Lawrence Summers (the very same!) have argued for long-term public investment in infrastructure and the green economy.

They argued at first that the deficits merely reflected the world’s attraction to superior US investment opportunities, an odd position given that the US was not growing especially quickly compared to emerging markets.

In addition to “undermining every American’s cyber security and the nation’s economic security,” the signers argued, “introducing new vulnerabilities to weaken encrypted products in the US would also undermine human rights and information security around the globe.”

As Stanford biologist Robert Sapolsky has argued, behavioral dichotomies that might seem inevitable and crucial one minute can, under the right circumstances, “evaporate in an instant.”

It was simply not the case, Keynes argued, that the private incentives of those active in the marketplace were aligned with the public good.

Government failures, Friedman argued, were greater and more terrible than market failures.

Currency appreciation, Japan argued then and China argues now, is unlikely to result in a significant current-account adjustment, which requires addressing not only China’s high savings rate, but also low savings in the US.

They might have argued that all should get it or none.

We cannot point to a lonely Cassandra like Robert Shiller of Yale University, who regularly argued that house prices were unsustainable, as proof that the truth was ignored.

As former United States Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Frank Newman argued in a recent book, Freedom from National Debt, a country’s capacity for fiscal intervention is better assessed by examining its aggregate balance sheet than by the traditional method of comparing its debt (a liability) to its GDP (a flow).

Initially, as I argued in a speech in Aachen last spring, this discovery seemed discouraging: twilight is often linked with extinction, ruin, or death, the end approaching.

Some argued the same after WWII.

They argued it again 25 years ago, after the fall of the Berlin Wall.

It argued that giving Moore a property right to his tissue would "destroy the economic incentive to conduct important medical research."

The Democrats had argued that the increase in the debt ceiling and extension of appropriations should last for only three months, thus forcing the Republicans to take electorally risky votes before the 2018 elections.

When it comes to trade, as I recently argued, America has made its own bed.

The economist William Easterly has argued that the best way to reform international development is to shift money from top-down “experts” to “bottom-up searchers – like Nobel Peace Prize winner and microcredit pioneer Muhammad Yunus – who keep experimenting until they find something that works for the poor on the ground.”

As The Economist’s Jeremy Cliffe argued in a 2015 paper, factors like rising racial diversity, a more educated citizenry, urbanization, and increased variety in family structure seems to be giving rise to “an emerging cosmopolitan majority” in the UK.

In 2012, Brad DeLong and I argued that fiscal expansion would likely pay for itself.

Some argued for an absolute requirement of Security Council authorization, while others recognized an imperative to contemplate humanitarian intervention without such authorization in “very narrowly defined exceptional cases.”

It argued that in politics, there is no place for a realm as superfluous as theatre.

The only logical explanation for this enduring lack of confidence, as Northwestern University’s Robert Gordon has painstakingly documented and argued, is slow productivity growth.

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