Argued
in sentence
1563 examples of Argued in a sentence
Addressing the Olympic Committee, Putin
argued
that awarding Russia the Games would not only allow it to showcase its post-Soviet achievements; it would also help the country through its political and economic transition.
Before Barack Obama became President, he
argued
that, because the US did not have enough troops on the ground in Afghanistan, it was “air-raiding villages and killing civilians, which is causing enormous problems there.”
After martial law was imposed in 1981, Poland's authorities, led by General Jaruzelski,
argued
that they were willing to reach agreement with "society".
The IMF, it is argued, should have the power to create money and to carry out the lender-of-last-resort function to countries, rather than banks, on a global scale.
One camp
argued
that the recession in the United States would be V-shaped – short and shallow.
Others, including me,
argued
that, given the excesses of private-sector leverage (in households, financial institutions, and corporate firms), this would be a U-shaped recession – long and deep.
Hirschman
argued
that when one lane of cars begins moving, people in the other lane “feel much better off,” because they expect to move soon, too.
Spotting this reversal, the Nobel laureate economist Michael Spence has
argued
that the world is poised for The Next Convergence.
Based on changes in the economy, I and the staff that worked with me on President Bill Clinton’s Council of Economic Advisers
argued
that the NAIRU was considerably lower.
This matters because, as the great economist Arthur Okun argued, reducing unemployment by two percentage points would increase output by 2%-6%, or $0.5-1.5 trillion dollars in the case of America.
He
argued
that if Israel were to take the lead in sounding the alarm on Iran’s nuclear ambitions, the issue would be perceived as yet another “Israeli problem.”
In a paper published prior to the release of their much-debated book The Israel Lobby, they argued:“… Iran’s nuclear ambitions do not pose an existential threat to the US.
Normally, economists talk about trade-offs: weaker intellectual-property rights, it is argued, would undermine incentives to innovate.
In the early days of the crisis, it was
argued
that, given the strength of the regime’s air defenses and ground forces, even these limited objectives could not be achieved without fighting an all-out war – and thus causing a net increase in human suffering.
It is often
argued
that Continental Europe's social and economic model, which seeks to combine competitiveness with solidarity, is the glue that binds the European Union together, as well as distinguishing Europe from the American (or Anglo-Saxon) free-market model.
A report for the Chair of the EU Commission by a team of experts led by Jacques Sapir
argued
explicitly for a reorientation of the Union's "cohesion" policies eastwards, i.e. , in favor of those who most need them.
Such a massive diversion of resources “away from goods and services directly useful this year,” I argued, “is a good bargain only if it boosts overall annual economic growth by 0.3% – or 6% per 25-year generation.”
In fact, as I
argued
at the outset of the crisis, it would be far better to have two or three years of mildly elevated inflation, deflating debts across the board, especially if the political, legal, and regulatory systems remain somewhat paralyzed in achieving the necessary write-downs.
Likewise, few European politicians have
argued
more eloquently for a truly common European foreign and security policy than former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair.
His hugely influential “dependency” theory
argued
that if poor countries relied too much on commodity exports, they would never achieve the industrial depth needed to sustain rapid growth.
Climate experts have long
argued
that the frequency and magnitude of such events are increasing, and evidence of this should certainly influence precautionary steps – and cause us to review such measures regularly.
It is not long ago that French experts had
argued
that the treaty banning nuclear explosions, which the nuclear weapons states have committed themselves to sign by the end of 1996, would have to allow small scale nuclear tests if only to reassure French nuclear bombs against the problem of nuclear ageing', the uncertainty whether all parts of the atomic bomb remain reliable.
In Kawangware, Kenya, 38-year-old Esther
argued
passionately for more social-policy reform.
In fact, it could be
argued
that such constraints should spur, not impede, the creation of a European defense structure.
Instead, they argued, we should “end the demand for paid sex” – but without explaining how this is to be done.
Ludwig Wittgenstein
argued
that philosophical puzzles are really just a consequence of the misuse of language.
This makes its diffusion very slow: As I have
argued
previously, knowhow moves to new areas when the brains that hold it move there.
As I have
argued
in previous commentaries, and in a recent academic paper written with Michael Troege, requiring banks to have more capital raises their tax bill, because it reduces the level of tax-deductible debt and increases that of taxable equity.
Despite their efforts, however, the US government soon became as venal as any of the old regimes in Europe – and, as Francis Fukuyama has argued, remained so for more than a century.
George Osborne, the UK’s chancellor of the exchequer, has
argued
against British leadership in the fight against climate change.
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