Argue
in sentence
2151 examples of Argue in a sentence
This is not to argue, of course, that the ECB should cut interest rates now.
Second, many
argue
that raising interest rates would trigger a flood of speculative capital from low-yielding advanced economies.
Some skeptics
argue
that this emphasis on values is the wrong explanation of how changes occur in world politics, and that the real problem between Europe and the US is structural.
While companies like Monsanto
argue
that pesticides are necessary to ensure food security, the consequences of chemical exposure to workers like Tomasi – whose body was left twisted and mangled after years of handling chemicals without protection – reveal the human cost of their use.
Today, many pundits
argue
that other countries’ rising power and the loss of American influence in a revolutionary Middle East point to the decline of “American hegemony.”
German leaders concede that French reforms are good for France, but now
argue
that eurozone reform is a separate issue.
More generally, China’s partners
argue
that trade rules conceived for market economies are not adequate when dealing with a centrally-directed economy.
Republicans and Democrats alike
argue
that this is the crux of America’s jobs problem.
Indeed, one could
argue
that it is the American public that is being manipulated by the erroneous charges leveled at China.
An across-the-board tax on transactions, they argue, would dampen financial volatility.
Then there are those who believe that EU enlargement has prevented greater “deepening,” and who, with scant regard for the past or the future,
argue
that pursuing the latter requires abandoning the former.
The banks
argue
that more effective regulation would limit credit and slow the pace of economic recovery.
China’s “influence operations,” they argue, include cultivating ties with Western politicians, establishing Confucius Institutes around the world to promote Chinese language and culture, expanding the global reach of China’s official propaganda networks, and donations to and exchange programs with academic institutions.
In their widely cited paper “Growth in a Time of Debt,” Kenneth Rogoff and Carmen Reinhart
argue
that, when government debt exceeds 90% of GDP, countries suffer slower economic growth.
The traditionalists
argue
that China should assume responsibility for world affairs consistent with its status as the world’s second-largest economy, behind only the US.
One could
argue
that this is a good thing, in view of the planet’s limited carrying capacity.
Whereas many
argue
that France can move forward only by adopting the Anglo-American neo-liberal model, Germany’s success clearly demonstrates that the claim that only the free market can produce prosperity is bogus.
Others
argue
that we should try to rebalance the economy not just from rich to poor, but also from energy-wasting to energy-saving.
In general, they argue, we need more care, not more cars, so stimulus money should go to health, education, and the protection of the environment.
Their innovative strategy is to draw on the First Amendment, which protects freedoms such as speech and religion, to
argue
that patents restrict patients’ freedom of access to information that might enable us to take action to protect our health.
After all, they argue, money is a social convention.
Some
argue
that developed countries cannot come up with such sums, particularly given their current economic challenges.
Greens
argue
that even if energy supplies are abundant, the ability of the environment to support current rates of consumption is limited.
Some
argue
that little has changed as a result of the test.
As any trial judge or criminal lawyer can attest, for every psychological expert produced by the defense in a legal case, prosecutors can produce one to
argue
the opposite.
In the Soviet Union – and, many argue, in China today – political dissidents would be committed to psychiatric care, precisely to discredit them.
Modern psychiatrists would
argue
that they have taken to heart the lessons of the Rosenhan experiment, and now make diagnoses much more cautiously and rigorously.
The United Kingdom and Sweden
argue
that they cannot be made subservient to a central bank of which they are, at best, semi-detached members.
Moreover, they
argue
that Japan has yet to come fully to terms with its colonial and wartime record.
It strains credulity to argue, as China and North Korea have, that a normalized Japan would threaten regional stability any more than China's massive military buildup and territorial aggression, or North Korea's bellicosity and nuclear weapons, already do.
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