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Argue in sentence

2151 examples of Argue in a sentence

After all, two of his main economic advisers, Glenn Hubbard and Greg Mankiw, have both authored textbooks in which they argue that the Laffer hypothesis is incorrect as a description of US tax rates.
On the grounds that the environment in developing countries provides unique ecological services to the whole of mankind, some argue that their populations should not exploit the natural resources on their territories.
Iranian pragmatists argue that Iran must inevitably cooperate with the US in post-Saddam Iraq, if only to ensure the rights of Iraq's Shi'a population.
Advocates of this view argue that Iran is well positioned to make rebuilding easier, owing to its well-established infrastructure of personal and institutional ties in Iraq.
At most, they argue, America will actively push for regime change in Iran.
Public health workers argue that therapy should be imposed upon patients who are at risk of failing to complete it – a policy that others claim would violate individual liberty.
Other economists, mainly in Europe, argue that Germany must assume a political role befitting its economic preeminence and must accept sovereignty-sharing (and burden-sharing) arrangements to ensure the monetary union’s cohesion and sustainability.
Experts argue that well designed systems are like stage directions in a play.
They could argue that action is not necessary in a specific case, but they would have to do so publicly, thus becoming accountable for their inaction.
Scientists argue over the exact starting point of this epoch, but it can be dated to somewhere around 1945, when modern industry and agriculture began to expand briskly.
The most notorious chapter of The Prince, Chapter XVIII, which explains the circumstances in which it is permissible – and even desirable – for rulers to break promises, appears to argue that the most successful rulers think “little about keeping faith" and know “how cunningly to manipulate men's minds."
Nationalists often argue as though it was akin to virginity – there one moment, gone the next.
In any case, one could argue that the French are being unfair toward their president.
One could also argue that the traditional economic analysis is even inequitable toward individuals, in addition to future generations.
But NAFTA’s US-based supporters and many Mexicans argue that the deal actually created more American jobs than were lost in Rust Belt states that Trump won in the election, because it increased US exports to Mexico.
Michael Gove, May’s Secretary of State for Environment, Food, and Rural Affairs, used to argue that the UK would be in the driver’s seat once its exit negotiations with the European Union began.
Some argue that Russia has done nothing not previously done by NATO in Kosovo in 1999.
But some would argue that beneath the chaos and bluster, there is an economic rationale to the Trump administration’s disorderly retreat from globalization.
But there is also evidence that Havel is right to argue that the re-emergence of these patterns represents a mere “hangover” from 15 years of sustained – and often traumatic – reform.
News organizations argue that the policy is motivated by respect for the alleged victims.
Some officials argue that foreign investors’ appetite for US government debt – the rest of the world holds almost half of all outstanding Treasury securities, worth more than $6 trillion – insulates America from economic harm.
But, while it is easy to argue that citizens want bread before freedom, economic liberalization came without a system of checks and balances, and thus largely resulted in neither bread nor freedom.
Defenders of America’s inequality argue that the poor and those in the middle shouldn’t complain.
Lastly, some argue that if farmers are permitted to sow GM varieties, they become dependent on large seed producers such as Monsanto, which have patent protection – and thus a monopoly – on the seed.
While some argue that the fight against terrorism is the natural enemy of regularizing migration, others agree that now more than ever the countries of North America need to address this issue trilaterally.
It is hard to argue that all developing countries should enjoy the indefinite privilege of opting out of the WTO’s general obligations for all sectors of their economies.
Europe’s “single digital market,” they argue, currently amounts “to a jumble of outdated, corporatist, counterproductive industrial policies that favor producers over consumers, big companies over small, traditional incumbents over digital startups, and EU firms over foreign ones.”
Still, it’s hard to argue with success.
This approach has several advantages: by leaving the face value of the debt unaltered, EU officials could argue that restructuring Greece’s debt did not amount to a default, thereby limiting contagion.
The economy, they argue, is always at full employment.
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