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Argue in sentence

2151 examples of Argue in a sentence

Conservatives draw their proofs from the texts of the Koran, while reformists argue that the Koran mentions and recognizes both the Old and New Testaments.
Some observers argue that the Danish government will never propose Vestager as their candidate.
But these complexities simply argue for a cautious approach to the scale of monetary finance and the careful use of tools – such as mandatory-reserve requirements – to constrain subsequent knock-on effects.
Others, such as Robert Dahl, argue that democracy requires smaller communities based on shared interests and personal relations.
They argue that when the United States adopts their policies, it will consistently achieve annual economic growth above 3%, or even above 4%.
One could argue that the latter two should worry about their youth unemployment more than Spain or Greece should.
In purely economic terms, one could thus argue that youth unemployment (especially teenage part-time unemployment) is much less important than unemployment among those who are in their prime earning years.
This vindicated criticism by Milton Friedman and Edmund Phelps, among others, who had already begun to argue that the Phillips curve represented merely a short-term relationship.
With productivity growth stagnating for almost two decades, it made sense back then to argue that the US government’s social-insurance commitments (Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid) were excessive and so had to be scaled back.
Advocates of monetary stimulation sometimes argue that it is preferable because it is more neutral in its distributional effects, and that its benefits are spread more widely.
In my book New Horizons of Muslim Diaspora in North America and Europe, I argue against the conventional wisdom that migrants and refugees are a threat to the Middle East’s security and development.
Opponents argue, in pre-crisis language, that the FTT would reduce market efficiency and displace trading to other locations.
Certainly, no one would argue that these are positive developments for China; nonetheless, they have arguably been a blessing in disguise.
Islamic banking, for example, may soon be introduced, though some local and foreign investors argue that sharia regulations could drive away much-needed foreign investment.
Some might argue that reducing corruption entails the creation of a capable state; the good is created out of the fight against the bad.
As Harvard’s Lant Pritchett, Michael Woolcock, and Andrews argue, when inept organizations adopt “best practices” such as financial management systems and procurement rules, they become too distracted by decision-distorting protocols to do what they were established to do.
Although some analysts argue that Indonesia has outgrown ASEAN and should chart an independent course, the government has remained firm: ASEAN will remain the cornerstone of its foreign policy.
One might argue that this is because water is necessary for survival.
Most developing countries argue that the problem is rooted in the provision of capital, with investors preferring to fill their infrastructure portfolios with low-risk projects, and insurance companies and banks facing overly restrictive regulations.
I was visiting Israel as Australia’s foreign minister to argue the case for rapid implementation of the Oslo peace accords – all the way through to negotiated acceptance of Palestinian statehood.
As I argue in my new book The Frugal Superpower: America’s Global Leadership in a Cash-Strapped Era, the burden that these obligations will impose on Americans – in the form of higher taxes and fewer benefits – will weaken public support for the expansive international role that the United States has played since World War II.
It is quite right to argue that governments should aim only to balance their budgets over the business cycle, running surpluses during booms and deficits when economic activity is weak.
Infernal or not, one might argue that justice is supposed to be blind, in the sense that no one – not even the greatest filmmaker – is above the law or entitled to escape from it.
Besides, these countries correctly argue that the tradeoff between action on climate change and poverty reduction is more compelling for them at their level of per capita income, unless they can access newly emerging technologies at low cost.
If some politicians seek ideological excuses for their unwillingness to reduce state power, they mostly argue the following: "People have chosen us in an election; it is their will that we rule.
The status quo will argue that Enron is an exception: that its demise was due to fraud, that we have laws against fraud, and that those who violate these laws should and will bear the consequences.
However, these clinical trauma theorists do not argue that “repressed” or “dissociated” memories of horrific events are either inert or benign.
Meanwhile, advocates of Brexit argue that the UK is uniquely powerful, with the most dynamic capital city in the world and, as Justice Secretary Michael Gove put it, the world’s greatest concentration of “soft power.”
As a result, it is tough to argue that the UK would receive a net economic boost – or even that it will not suffer considerably – by leaving the EU.
Many Europeans tried to argue in recent years that monetary policy should also take asset-price developments into account, whereas American policymakers and academics largely resisted this approach.
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