Example collocations logo

Agricultural in sentence

1280 examples of Agricultural in a sentence

What is really needed is an immediate worldwide ban on the agricultural use of antibiotics.
Companies that do not manufacture or sell antibiotics for agricultural purposes, or that refuse to promote the use of antibiotics for diseases that do not require such drugs, would gain points as well.
The Next-Generation GreenhouseISTANBUL – The challenge of ensuring adequate, nutrient-rich food for an expanding global population is a daunting one, especially given constraints on key resources like water and agricultural land.
Economic historians point to financial revolutions as setting the stage for strong economic development in England (in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, following the Glorious Revolution), in the United States (after Alexander Hamilton in the 1790’s built up major financial structures in a primarily agricultural country), and in Japan (after the Meiji Restoration).
If the US is serious about “fair” trade, they say, the new administration will need, for example, to deal with the unfairness of agricultural subsidies, which led to the collapse of the Doha round of World Trade Organization talks.
Likewise, slow agricultural growth has constrained economic opportunities for the vast majority of poor people in lagging regions.
The food-price crisis of two years ago served as a wake-up call, and has created an opportunity to revisit existing agricultural policies.
Now the World Food Program fears that another famine is looming – the country’s agricultural output will likely fall to 1.8 million tons of grain, far short of the 4.8 million tons needed to supply the meagre ration of 7ounces a day (half the daily allowance for those in UN refugee camps) ordinary North Koreans receive.
Because peasants had lost the right to farm their own land, agricultural output was extremely low.
As a result, agricultural output soared, and farmers produced a range of additional crops, like flowers and vegetables, to sell directly to the public.
Wages and prices fell, but not enough to allow Argentina to compete effectively, especially since many of the agricultural goods which constitute Argentina's natural comparative advantages face high hurdles in entering the markets of rich countries.
Annual growth of 1.2% in the agricultural sector, which employs 60% of the population, cannot provide for a population that is growing at more than twice that rate.
And this pathetic performance comes at a time when many African economies’ agricultural sectors are booming on the back of high world food prices.
Barriers to private companies’ entry into the agricultural sector will be removed, and farmers will be allowed to grow the crops they want, without official control over supply and demand.
While the Doha negotiators have settled many important issues, the final negotiations first stalled last year, owing to America’s refusal to cut its agricultural subsidies further and India’s insistence on special safeguards to prevent exposing its millions of subsistence farmers to unfairly subsidized US competition.
Abe believes that the TPP would force needed reforms in domestic agriculture (though, interestingly, no one in the US thinks it would help the US move away from its highly distortionary agricultural policies).
The most common explanation is the global economic slowdown, which has diminished demand for energy, minerals, and agricultural products.
The second prominent change in the USMCA is its agricultural concessions, particularly Canada’s agreement to give US producers access to up to 3.6% of its dairy market, worth about $70 million.
The change is notable because both the US and Canada have long protected their dairy farmers from competition, even more than the rest of their agricultural sectors.
After all, in the USMCA negotiations, the US agreed to give Canada increased access to its own dairy market, as well as to two of its other most highly protected agricultural areas: peanuts (and processed peanut products) and sugar (including sugar-containing products).
If rich countries – in particular, the United States, the 25 members of the EU, and Japan – really want to help poor people, they will open their markets to what poor countries produce, especially textiles, apparel, agricultural products, and commodities.
Phasing out tariffs and import quotas for poor countries’ exports – and phasing out subsidies for their own producers of agricultural products – would have a dramatic effect on the lives of hundreds of millions of people in Africa and elsewhere.
Moreover, market concentration in the agriculture sector is on the rise, owing to increased demand for the agricultural raw materials needed in food, animal feed, and energy production.
As the middle class in southern countries has grown, its members’ consumption and nutritional habits have changed, boosting global demand for processed foods – and setting off a scramble for market power among multinational agricultural, chemical, and food corporations.
Indeed, the same market-concentration problem applies to other links in the value chain, such as agricultural traders and supermarkets.
Today, half of the world’s 800 million starving people are small farmers and workers connected to the agricultural sector.
This, together with high agricultural growth rates, led to a dramatic rise in output, which increased at an annual average rate of 4.5%.
Rapid expansion of agricultural activity is requiring more and more water all across the continent.
As a result, key problems such as Africa’s structural exclusion from global markets – which is due in large part to G20 member states’ own domestic agricultural subsidies – go unexamined.
To take a simple example, more reasonable EU rules on genetically modified agricultural imports from North America, if translated with appropriately careful monitoring to Africa, could be a tremendous boon to African agriculture.
BackNext