Agreements
in sentence
1458 examples of Agreements in a sentence
In many ways, however, Bannon’s ideal campaign closely resembled what Trump was already saying and doing: appealing to blue-collar workers by attacking immigration – for example, saying that he’d build “a big, beautiful wall” along the border with Mexico, for which the Mexicans would pay – and trade
agreements
that Trump alleged were unfair to the US.
“Abenomics” has several components: aggressive monetary stimulus by the Bank of Japan; a fiscal stimulus this year to jump start demand, followed by fiscal austerity in 2014 to rein in deficits and debt; a push to increase nominal wages to boost domestic demand; structural reforms to deregulate the economy; and new free-trade
agreements
– starting with the Trans-Pacific Partnership – to boost trade and productivity.
Russia’s foreign policy is focused on the interests of its state-dominated corporations, notably Gazprom, which has concluded
agreements
with many foreign countries and companies for monopolistic deliveries.
Following international
agreements
such as the Montreal Protocol on the Protection of the Ozone Layer, global emissions of ozone-depleting substances have otherwise been substantially reduced.
As Australia’s wartime prime minister, Ben Chifley, once famously remarked, “The trouble with gentleman’s
agreements
is that there aren’t enough bloody gentlemen.”
South Africa Breaks OutNEW YORK – International investment
agreements
are once again in the news.
The United States is trying to impose a strong investment pact within the two big so-called “partnership” agreements, one bridging the Atlantic, the other the Pacific, that are now being negotiated.
South Africa has decided to stop the automatic renewal of investment
agreements
that it signed in the early post-apartheid period, and has announced that some will be terminated.
Even in the US, labor unions and environmental, health, development, and other nongovernmental organizations have objected to the
agreements
that the US is proposing.
The
agreements
would significantly inhibit the ability of developing countries’ governments to protect their environment from mining and other companies; their citizens from the tobacco companies that knowingly purvey a product that causes death and disease; and their economies from the ruinous financial products that played such a large role in the 2008 global financial crisis.
Indeed, the
agreements
have been used to challenge government actions ranging from debt restructuring to affirmative action.
Advocates of such
agreements
claim that they are needed to protect property rights.
But those supporting the investment
agreements
are not really concerned about protecting property rights, anyway.
Corporations are attempting to achieve by stealth – through secretly negotiated trade
agreements
– what they could not attain in an open political process.
Worse, investment
agreements
enable companies to sue the government over perfectly sensible and just regulatory changes – when, say, a cigarette company’s profits are lowered by a regulation restricting the use of tobacco.
But investment
agreements
like those backed by the US demand that developing countries waive this presumption and permit the adjudication of suits according to procedures that fall far short of those expected in twenty-first-century democracies.
While proponents argue that investment treaties reduce uncertainty, the ambiguities and conflicting interpretations of these agreements’ provisions have increased uncertainty.
Countries that have signed such investment
agreements
have paid a high price.
Moreover, for developing countries that were foolish enough to sign such agreements, the evidence is that the benefits, if any, have been scant.
In South Africa’s review, it found that it had not received significant investments from the countries with which it had signed agreements, but had received significant investments from those with which it had not.
It is the investment
agreements
themselves that most seriously threaten democratic decision-making.
Another challenge to the international monetary system lies in the proliferation of bilateral payment
agreements.
In all future
agreements
with the EU or any of its member states, Israel’s government will have to acknowledge explicitly that territories beyond the pre-1967 borders are not part of Israel.
But developments in 2013 revealed that the open trade regime that has facilitated this progress is now under grave threat, as stalemate in multilateral trade negotiations spurs the proliferation of “preferential trade agreements” (PTAs), including the two biggest ever negotiated – the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP).
Moreover, such
agreements
can lock various groups into different regulatory approaches, raising transaction costs for domestic traders and making it difficult for external goods and services to penetrate the bloc.
Now, Russia has signed strategic
agreements
with Iran and is reconstructing military bases in Syria in response to an appeal by President Bashar Al-Assad (who visited Moscow in a brazen bid for Kremlin support just after the Georgian war ended).
Like so many international
agreements
crafted under the auspices of the United Nations, it is severely flawed.
International
agreements
regulating the size and composition of national defenses have often been controversial in the Senate.
If the US is looking to develop a post-Cold War strategic relationship with India to counter Chinese influence in South and Southeast Asia, the recent China-India
agreements
suggests that an alternative strategic calculus may exist in both China and India.
To achieve these goals, the G-8 should set clear timetables for action, and transparent
agreements
on how to fund it.
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