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Aggregate in sentence

821 examples of Aggregate in a sentence

But what has been overlooked is that the effect of services growth on aggregate economic growth appears to be as strong, if not stronger, than the effect of manufacturing growth on overall growth.
And, while structural reforms are necessary, some measures – for example, labor-market liberalization and pension overhauls – may boost the eurozone’s savings rate and thus weaken aggregate demand further (as occurred in Germany following its structural reforms a decade ago).
Economists should also pay less attention to inequality in the aggregate, and more on the specific policies that might increase or reduce inequality.
The answer may be to obsess less over aggregate data, and to focus more on how policy decisions impact real people.
Thus, rather than tying executive pay to a specified percentage of the value of the bank’s common shares, compensation could be tied to a specified percentage of the aggregate value of the bank’s common shares, preferred shares, and all the outstanding bonds issued by the bank.
They have been directed toward increasing aggregate demand without any serious concern for the unintended longer-term consequences.
The expectation that these policies will increase aggregate demand has pushed up long-term interest rates by 50 basis points.
It is also easy to fall into the trap of thinking of the tax cuts as a way to boost aggregate demand.
There is of course no reason to seek an increase in aggregate demand at this time.
A housing boom in a nation of renters might actually lead to lower aggregate consumption.
That would have two adverse effects on aggregate demand and employment.
In theory, by depressing aggregate demand, the combination of increased real debt and higher real interest rates could lead to further price declines, leading to even larger negative inflation rates.
The big problems, of course, are how we take account of past responsibility for the carbon in the atmosphere, how we balance aggregate national emissions and per capita figures – China leads in the first category; the US, Australia, and Canada are the biggest culprits in the second – and how we manage technology transfer from developed to emerging and poor economies.
Europe’s central bankers fear that their political masters will order them to loosen monetary policy, that the structural reforms needed to free up aggregate supply will not be forthcoming, and that the result will be a return to the inflation of the 1970’s.
Capaldo and his collaborators offer a starkly different outlook: a competitive race to the bottom in labor markets, with a decline in wages and government spending keeping a lid on aggregate demand and employment.
Moreover, Germans are not convinced that Keynesian policies, with their focus on boosting aggregate demand, are particularly effective in influencing long-term economic trends, despite their obvious short-term impact on output and employment.
But, with high and persistent levels of unemployment in the United States, there is a real question about the nature of the problem: is aggregate demand too low, or are there problems with supply?
It is hard to believe that any increase in aggregate demand will boost the housing market – which, remember, was buoyed by visions of steady price appreciation that few seem likely to hold today – sufficiently to re-employ all these workers.
The underlying problem – which has plagued the global economy since the crisis, but has worsened slightly – is lack of global aggregate demand.
Second, older people who depend on interest income, hurt further, cut their consumption more deeply than those who benefit – rich owners of equity – increase theirs, undermining aggregate demand today.
But a large number of small banks in the aggregate are systemically significant – especially if one is concerned about restoring investment, employment, and growth.
Defective growth models in advanced countries, based on excess credit and domestic aggregate demand (and complicated by structural flaws and limited adjustment mechanisms in Europe), led to instability, a crisis, and a large negative shock to the real economy.
This did not work very well, because investment was constrained by deficient domestic aggregate demand relative to capacity.
The impact of such cuts on aggregate demand is almost always modest, and they are poorly suited for shifting expectations for recovery and growth in the post-financial-crisis downturn.
The time for any old kind of public spending simply to support aggregate demand, if not already over, soon will be.
As I have argued before, convergence of emerging countries’ real average incomes, in the aggregate, with advanced countries’ incomes is likely to continue into the 2020’s.
The pace of convergence accelerated further during, and just after, the global financial crisis of 2008-2009: the aggregate average differential in per capita income growth increased to more than four percentage points in the 2008-2012 period, from a little more than two percentage points in the two decades before.
Reforms targeting labor policy, the investment climate, social insurance, competition, education, and infrastructure created a more inclusive and more sustainable growth model by spreading purchasing power, which supported aggregate demand and reduced vulnerability to investment-driven booms and busts.
Each member country would benefit from the guarantee of all its partners, and only the aggregate situation of the eurozone – which is significantly better than that of the United States, Japan, or the United Kingdom – would matter.
I was one of the rebel economists of the 1960s who rejected the macroeconomics we were taught in the 1950s – the “Keynesian” theory developed by J.R. Hicks, A.W. Phillips and James Tobin, according to which aggregate demand drove everything.
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