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Aggregate in sentence

821 examples of Aggregate in a sentence

The more complex growth issues have to do with the tradable part of the global economy, where global aggregate demand – and the derived demand that lands in various places in global supply or value-added chains – is the target of competition.
Given the growth patterns across advanced and developing countries prior to the crisis, and then the large negative shock, it is likely that there is a shortfall of tradable global aggregate demand, impeding an important component of global growth.
But, for individual economies, relative productivity versus income levels determines the share of global tradable aggregate demand that is accessible.
Fortunately, if countries increase productivity with the aim of boosting relative productivity and growth potential on the tradable side, this will increase incomes and accelerate the growth of global aggregate demand.
Indeed, the upper 10% of income recipients pay more than 50% of aggregate income tax revenue, and the upper 20% pays about 80%, while 40% of income recipients pay no income taxes whatsoever.
The current issue is that the monetary aggregate (M4) measure of lending to the private sector is at its lowest level in a decade, while inflation is more than double the BOE’s target.
Steeped in denial, the Federal Reserve is treating the disease as a cyclical problem – deploying the full force of monetary accommodation to compensate for what it believes to be a temporary shortfall in aggregate demand.
Deflation would weaken aggregate demand by raising the real (inflation-adjusted) value of household and corporate debt, and by increasing real interest rates.
In Europe, by contrast, there is almost no aggregate shield and almost no automatic support for member states in trouble – better-off states simply extend a conditional helping hand to prevent default.
But if the deficit countries spend less while the surplus countries don’t compensate by savings less and spending more – especially on private and public consumption – then excess productive capacity will meet a lack of aggregate demand, leading to another slump in global economic growth.
Countries that can still afford fiscal stimulus and need to reduce their savings and increase spending should contribute to the global current-account adjustment – via currency adjustments and expenditure increases – in order to prevent a global shortage of aggregate demand.
Failure to implement such coordinated policy measures – to sustain global aggregate demand at a time when deflationary trends are still severe in advanced economies – could lead to a very dangerous and damaging double-dip recession in advanced economies.
Indeed, I believe that things are even worse: as long as aggregate demand remains low, we cannot even tell which pieces are right side up.
In a global economy with deficient aggregate demand, current-account surpluses are a problem.
But within the US, the greatest risk is a sharp decline in asset prices, which would squeeze households and firms, leading to a collapse of aggregate demand.
As investors sought the higher yields on land, property, equities, bonds, and bank deposits that were attainable in emerging markets after 2008, capital inflows to Latin America tripled, boosting asset prices, credit, and aggregate demand.
But this aggregate stability masks shifts in income distribution that have favored older age cohorts.
With the post-crisis resetting of domestic consumption and savings, US aggregate demand will remain depressed.
Global greenbacks would offset the deflationary bias in today's arrangements that results from the fact that part of the income set aside as reserves never gets translated into global aggregate demand.
But strategic reductions of wages to ever lower levels (the Uberization of society) cannot be rational, because the result would be a catastrophic collapse, owing to disappearing aggregate demand.
Of course, structural reform is essential after a financial crisis, as are policies to maintain aggregate demand while the economy heals.
This reduced households’ purchasing power and weakened aggregate demand, while diminishing the devaluation’s overall impact on the country’s external competitiveness.
Sadly, in view of today’s needs, macroeconomists have made little progress on policy since John Maynard Keynes explained how economies could get stuck in unemployment due to deficient aggregate demand.
Today, deficient global aggregate demand requires governments to undertake measures that boost spending.
Moreover, the public sector must be more proactive in sustaining aggregate demand through investments in social and physical infrastructure.
(A trade deficit is a subtraction from aggregate demand.)
Moravcsik argues that the pessimistic prognosis is based on a nineteenth-century realist view in which “power is linked to the relative share of aggregate global resources and countries are engaged in constant zero-sum rivalry.”
Historically, a few small countries were lucky to have exports fill the gap in aggregate demand as public expenditure contracted, enabling them to avoid austerity’s depressing effects.
“A possible implication of this finding,” the ECB concluded, “is that policies aimed at stimulating aggregate demand (including fiscal and monetary policies) should play an even more important role in the economic policy mix.”
But within that aggregate global total and those price averages, important distributive and transition effects will require careful management.
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