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Administration in sentence

4645 examples of Administration in a sentence

The Obama administration, in particular, often hesitated to expand its role, anticipating a time when the US would not be absorbed in a region that, to paraphrase Winston Churchill’s line about the Balkans, had produced more history than it has consumed.
One can only imagine the reaction of the US Congress, including those who wanted to keep US troops in Iraq as long as they have been in Germany or Japan, had the Obama administration agreed to Iraqi demands that US troops be subject to the Iraqi judicial system.
All of this left the Obama administration with little choice but to withdraw US forces – and take the associated blame.
The Trump administration will also have to deal with the external actors involved in Syria.
Is walking away from the Iran nuclear deal, as many supporters of the new US administration are demanding, conducive to easing the crisis in the Middle East?
Trump’s administration has often emphasized its plans to look inward, focusing on domestic policy and putting America first in foreign policy.
CAMBRIDGE – When Adam Smith was 22, he famously proclaimed that, “Little else is requisite to carry a state to the highest degree of opulence from the lowest barbarism, but peace, easy taxes, and a tolerable administration of justice: all the rest being brought about by the natural course of things.”
While in the White House, Feldstein waged a persuasive but lonely bureaucratic campaign against the Reagan administration’s 1981 income-tax cuts, arguing that they had been too big, and would prove economically painful if not corrected.
Rather than heed his warnings, Reagan’s chief of staff, James Baker, convinced others in the administration to stay the course, so that they would not have to admit that the president’s signature tax-cutting initiative had been a mistake.
For example, the steep decline in the attractiveness of the US in opinion polls conducted after the invasion of Iraq in 2003 were a reaction to the Bush administration and its policies, rather than to the US generally.
Recent events have reinforced the risks in the Bush administration’s approach.
Most European leaders are not as practiced in the art of deception as the Bush administration; they have greater difficulty hiding the numbers from their citizens.
His administration needed to address the fiscal and external imbalances, without undoing the progress in social inclusion that had been made over the previous decade.
Second, Macri’s government reduced taxes on commodity exports, which had been important to Kirchner’s administration, and removed a number of import controls.
The government has done one thing right: it rebooted the National Institute of Statistics and Census, which had lost credibility after interventions by the previous administration.
Economists ended up practicing public administration without license.
Recently, the Trump administration has begun to moderate some of its foreign-policy positions.
These developments imply that the administration is beginning to recognize the need for a more constructive approach.
US President Donald Trump’s administration has stated unequivocally that it will not tolerate a North Korean capability to threaten the mainland United States with nuclear weapons.
According to Trump’s national security adviser, H.R. McMaster, the administration’s position reflects its belief that Kim is crazy, and that “classical deterrence theory” thus does not apply.
That is good news for everyone, but particularly for the Trump administration, given that it will almost certainly fail to secure any meaningful concessions from North Korea in the upcoming talks.
His administration is filled with Wall Street bankers.
The good news from the Treasury report is that the Trump administration is not prepared to support this position.
Much more worrying, however, is what lurks unmentioned behind the Treasury report: a serious legislative effort, supported by the Trump administration, to reduce the level of scrutiny applied to banks that are on the verge of becoming systemically important.
Removing the link between them would require the support of the US administration, but not ratification by Congress.
The US administration might face criticism from Congress for accepting a measure that would temporarily cut the country’s voting share and for relying on a political agreement to preserve its veto power.
Unless the Bush administration is vindicated in its actions--for example, if Saddam Hussein launches weapons of mass destruction that unite the world against him, or if the US discovers hidden nuclear weapons in the Iraqi desert--anti-American sentiments, and terrorism, unleashed by war, are likely to be massive.
First, he said that enforcing federal marijuana legislation in Colorado and Washington was not a priority of his administration; he had “other fish to fry.”
As happens almost everywhere, the transition became a moment to scrutinize the outgoing government’s policies, even if the new administration does not intend to modify those policies in the short term.
When Bill Clinton assumed the presidency, his advisers were bent on distancing the new administration from George H.W. Bush’s policies.
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