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Administration in sentence

4645 examples of Administration in a sentence

Yet before the cameras turn away from Ukraine, officials and leaders can ensure that a future administration there is not left facing bondholders one by one in international arbitration proceedings.
The US and Western Europe have an overriding strategic interest in patching this hole in the international financial architecture, and preventing their private investment funds from aggressively seeking compensation from a future Ukrainian administration.
US President Barack Obama’s administration, by that point in its final weeks, could then play a decisive role, by making the costs of intransigence clear to Israel.
The Trump administration needs to stay the course, especially as lower oil prices have weakened the Venezuelan government’s hand.
Markets will give Trump the benefit of the doubt, for now; but investors are now watching whom he appoints to his administration, what shape his fiscal policies actually take, and what course he charts for monetary policy.
Similarly, landless peasants are both an economic and a social problem, and the current administration has taken on vested interests to push forward on an exciting market-based land reform, one which has received support from the World Bank.
Reaching this level will require broadening the tax base, streamlining exemptions, and strengthening the administration of value-added tax.
In 2006, then-President George W. Bush’s administration announced plans to build a missile-defense shield in Eastern Europe, in order to protect the Western allies against intercontinental missiles from Iran.
Moreover, just when we were beginning to think that the Iraqi tragedy had made the limits of unilateralism and preemptive military strategies clear to all, the Bush administration encourages Israel’s military action – this time against a country that has painfully been attempting to consolidate democratic reform and to reafirm its sovereignty in relation to Syria .
DENVER – US President Donald Trump’s administration, like many before it, has had a rocky start; but the most pressing challenges are yet to come.
The new administration will have to be smart about pursuing other goals, such as trade and military cooperation, with these countries.
China is not a subcontractor on a construction project, and it has means at its disposal to apply its own pressure on the new US administration.
It is now incumbent upon the Trump administration to make a clear-minded assessment of US interests in the region, and to prioritize its policies accordingly.
While it was bad enough to hear such sentiments expressed by an Obama administration official, one can only imagine what we will encounter under Trump, who might not even bother to appoint an official for “Europe and Eurasian Affairs.”
The Clinton administration had called for bold action as far back as 1993, proposing what was in effect a tax on carbon emissions; but an alliance of polluters, led by the coal, oil, and auto industries beat back this initiative.
In such conditions, the Trump administration’s policy mix of massive tax cuts and spending increases – a fiscal stimulus as significant as the one used in 2009 to ward off an impeding depression – makes no economic sense.
Because Mr. Armitage and many other American members of the joint committee became high officials in the Bush administration, Japan's politicians regarded a response to this report as vital.
Injections of American money promised to help pay office administration costs and keep NGO jobs alive.
The “D” of democracy was glaringly absent, suggesting a fundamental policy change by President Barack Obama’s administration.
In the eyes of many critics at home and abroad, the Bush administration’s excesses tarnished the idea of democracy promotion.
There is a danger, however, in over-reacting to the Bush administration’s policy failures.
In the climate of extreme fear that followed the attacks of September 11, 2001, the Bush administration’s tortured legal interpretations of international and domestic law tarnished American democracy and diminished its soft power.
When some of the more reasonable members of the Bush administration are asked today how they could have taken the positions that they did in 2002, they cite the anthrax attacks that followed 9/11, the intelligence reports of an impending attack with nuclear materials, and widespread public fear of a second attack.
That is the debate that the Obama administration is leading in the US today.
And achieving Trump’s target would be even more likely if his administration suddenly became more coherent (which could indeed require a miracle).
When US President Donald Trump’s administration imposes tariffs on China, it is raising the cost of imports that domestic small businesses desperately need to keep operating.
Merkel’s Comeuppance is Europe’s – and the World’s – MisfortuneJOHANNESBURG – One of the most common mistakes European leaders make in interpreting US President Donald Trump’s hostility toward America’s traditional allies, or the alacrity of his administration’s efforts to blow up the international order, is to assume that all of this is unprecedented.
The US announcement of tariffs on steel and aluminum imports, while ostensibly aimed at China, was also the latest signal to Europe that the Trump administration’s “America First” rhetoric must be taken seriously.
But this has not stopped the Bush administration's thuggish behavior.
In another crucial policy area, however, change by the incoming Trump administration would be welcome: the Middle East.
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