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Weapons in sentence

2993 examples of Weapons in a sentence

The Internet, migration, trade, and the enforcement of international law will be turned into weapons in new conflicts, rather than governed effectively by global rules.
India promised that it would not export its weapons technology.
But revelations about the nuclear weapons smuggling network organized by A. Q. Khan, the father of Pakistan's bomb, confirm the danger I predicted back then.
Rather, it increases the prospects of corrupt leakage that may allow terrorist groups access to nuclear weapons.
Even if a country agrees to broad ranging IAEA inspections, it can legally accumulate enriched uranium (or reprocessed plutonium) under the guise of a peaceful energy program, and then suddenly declare that circumstances have changed and withdraw from the treaty - with the ability to produce nuclear weapons on short notice.
Iran may ask what right others have to demand that it forego nuclear weapons.
The Council would declare that further proliferation of nuclear weapons is a threat to peace, and that any country moving in that direction is subject to sanctions.
If I had suggested to my superiors at that time that the UN would one day observe and even run elections in sovereign states, conduct intrusive inspections for weapons of mass destruction, impose comprehensive sanctions on the entire import-export trade of a member state, or set up international criminal tribunals and coerce governments into handing over their citizens to be tried by foreigners under international law, they would have told me that I did not understand what the UN was all about.
All of the elements of security – from nuclear weapons to cyber-security to politics – must be considered, in the service of the overarching goal of strengthening mutual multilateral deterrence.
Indeed, during this period, the US often could not defend its interests: the Soviet Union acquired nuclear weapons; communist takeovers occurred in China, Cuba, and half of Vietnam; the Korean War ended in a stalemate; and revolts in Hungary and Czechoslovakia were repressed.
Just moments after elaborating at length on the Koran’s prohibition of nuclear weapons, an interlocutor would declare that the underground Fordow nuclear facility’s impregnability to airstrikes must be central to any deal.
The use of Twitter was not new – Obama had a well-staffed account – but Trump’s personal involvement raised questions of how to manage policy thunderbolts from the White House and express complex policy issues (such as nuclear weapons) in 140 characters.
In an era of ballistic missiles and other weapons of mass destruction, and in which the planned Palestinian state is supposed to be demilitarized, why is it so vital for Israel to see its army “sit along the Jordan River”?
Few weapons in the terrorist’s arsenal are as devastating as suicide bombing – or as poorly understood, for serious analysis has apparently given way to the desire to avoid conferring on the attackers any legitimacy whatsoever.
Syria’s deepening crisis, and the criminal use of chemical weapons there, has created a similar dynamic and dilemma.
Although possessing these weapons of mass destruction is technically not illegal, most states are parties to the 1993 Chemical Weapons Convention, which Syria has refused to sign.
Principles of international law – in particular, the emerging “responsibility to protect” doctrine and enforcement of the global ban on the use of chemical weapons – dictate that some form of military intervention must occur in order to deter others from using WMDs, particularly against civilians.
Generals ordered to use chemical weapons would have to reckon with the prospect that the regime could, actually, fall, and that they then might find themselves on trial for war crimes.
By continuing to support Assad despite his use of chemical weapons, Russia’s standing in the Arab world has gone from patron to pariah.
Likewise, a no-fly zone in Syria would immediately restrict the Syrian government’s means of delivery of weapons of mass destruction.
The risks to stability in Northeast Asia extend well beyond North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missile programs, and a joint intelligence agenda should address them.
The Libya Option In IranLOS ANGELES – International efforts to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons will be given a new lease on life this month, because France has assumed the presidency of the United Nations Security Council.
But there is a notable exception to this pattern: Libya’s decision in December 2003 to abandon its nuclear weapons program.
If nothing else, Muammar Qadaffi’s efforts to acquire nuclear weapons were far more audacious than Iran’s.
Undaunted, he sought to acquire technologies to produce the weapons.
At their summit in Reykjavik in October 1986, he and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev came tantalizingly close to eliminating all nuclear weapons.
On December 8-9, representatives from the governments of more than 150 countries, international organizations, and civil-society groups will meet in Vienna, to consider the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons.
These weapons, which terrified people 30 years ago, still remain in countries’ arsenals and continue to pose a grave risk to human security and safety.
Austria’s concern is that as long as nuclear weapons exist, the risk of their use exists, either by accident or design.
Consider how many nuclear weapons there are: an estimated 16,300 around the world, with 1,800 on high alert and ready for use on short notice.
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