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Weapon in sentence

708 examples of Weapon in a sentence

He knows that any weapon capable of shooting down a Syrian warplane could also be used by a terrorist against a US airliner.
How extraordinary, then, to learn that one of the perpetrators of these crimes, Condoleezza Rice, has just led the debate in a special session of the United Nations Security Council on the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war.
But fear is a powerful weapon, and Sarkozy, like Trump, is eager to wield it.
Al-Qaeda-style terrorists might willingly detonate a nuclear weapon in a city center, killing tens of thousands.
Nor does NATO membership help in responding to the Kremlin’s exploitation of European dependence on Russian energy, such as when it uses natural-gas supplies as a geopolitical weapon.
In April 1945, US Secretary of War Henry Stimson explained to President Harry Truman that the atomic bomb would be “the most terrible weapon ever known in human history.”
Stimson warned that “the world in its present state of moral advancement compared with its technical development would be eventually at the mercy of such a weapon.
France and China, the only other nuclear weapon states at the time, held out for more than 20 years, until 1992.
The nine nuclear weapon states will finally be put to the test.
The North Koreans made it abundantly clear that they understood what can happen to regimes that pick fights with America without having the ultimate weapon.
Hydrogen is not the only weapon in the fight against global heating, but it is an essential element – in the truest sense of the word.
For Russian President Vladimir Putin, it’s a political weapon; for Poland, it’s a means of security; and for Germany, it’s all of these.
Seed scarcity is directly caused by seed monopolies, which have as their ultimate weapon a “terminator” seed that is engineered for sterility.
If we want to ensure that Iran never has a nuclear weapon, the only guarantee is to change its desire to possess one.
But time is of the essence; diplomacy needs to move faster if it is not to be overtaken by Iran’s march to a nuclear weapon – and, with it, the march to conflict.
If trust were to collapse, and the Iranian regime decided to abrogate all of the relevant international agreements, it is highly likely that it would get its weapon, even if the country itself was bombed repeatedly.
Withdrawal of these weapons would not mean the end of nuclear deterrence for Europe, as deterrence will remain necessary until the last nuclear weapon is dismantled.
Berlusconi regards his “commercial diplomacy” as a formidable defensive weapon, which may help explain why he is not too concerned about how his actions in this area are perceived on the international front.
But the most common view of security and intelligence experts worldwide is that, while Iran may want the technical breakout capability to build a nuclear weapon that Japan now has, it is still a long way from building a usable atomic weapon, and has made no decision to do so.
Indeed, in many ways, tariffs are yesterday’s problem – at least they were, until Trump dusted them off as a weapon for his trade war.
For these reasons, President Bush declared an Iranian nuclear weapon unacceptable.
And the Pakistanis added a nuclear weapon design as well.
Those pulling the IRGC’s chain are themselves committed to a revolutionary agenda, and doubtless want a nuclear weapon as badly as the Pasdaran commanders.
Upstream dams, barrages, canals, and irrigation systems can help fashion water into a political weapon that can be wielded overtly in a war, or subtly in peacetime to signal dissatisfaction with a co-riparian state.
But his willingness to use his presidential powers as a blatantly partisan political weapon breaks ground that no American should want him to tread.
That is why a Parliamentary censure motion of the sort just attempted is often described as a "nuclear weapon".
The immediate consequence of this week’s trial of strength is that the Member States will be compelled to offer the Parliament a more moderate alternative to the use of the "nuclear weapon".
In theory, civil disobedience should be an effective weapon against populists.
John Paul II demonstrated that moral force was a weapon potent enough to undo Yalta's division of the world.
But the manipulation of public opinion is a powerful weapon in any democracy, and it is a weapon that Trump, like Berlusconi, knows how to wield better than most.
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