Weak
in sentence
3361 examples of Weak in a sentence
WASHINGTON, DC – As corruption scandals rattle Latin America, many observers are asking if the region will ever shake off its legacy of
weak
institutions.
If a country’s domestic politics are
weak
– no executive accountability, no genuine legislative oversight, and a poor relationship between citizen and state – its negotiator has a large win-set.
That brings us to the link between corporate short-termism and
weak
public finances.
Growth is endangered, the ruble is weak, and the government budget is in deficit.
Both countries are small and highly indebted, with
weak
domestic industrial structures and faltering banking systems.
If British voters recognized their country’s
weak
negotiating position, the Brexiteers, who won the referendum on their promise to “take back control,” would face a political disaster.
The continent’s agricultural sector is further hindered by low skills, a dearth of innovation,
weak
infrastructure, little funding, and lack of access to land, land titles, and lender security.
But it runs the risk of getting the worst of each: a civilian leader without legitimacy coupled with a military leader too
weak
to fight the Islamic militants who virtually rule the tribal areas near Afghanistan.
Given that the extremely
weak
Latin American response to the Venezuelan crisis has only perpetuated the suffering, the summit must take bold and decisive steps against Maduro’s corrupt and dangerous dictatorship.
These countries face a
weak
and bumpy recovery, with unacceptably high unemployment.
At the moment, the framework for property rights, investor protection, and corporate governance is extremely weak, and recent legislative measures regarding the personal liability of shareholders in limited liability companies have made things worse.
Neither
weak
foreign demand nor a lack of financing, therefore, can be the reason for Greece’s poor export performance.
If the peripheral countries remain mired in a deflationary trap of high debt, falling output,
weak
competitiveness, and structural external deficits, eventually they will be tempted by a third option: default and exit from the eurozone.
In fact, the relatively
weak
support for populist parties in German elections obscures an undercurrent of dissatisfaction in German society that bears striking similarities to the anger that has fueled the rise of anti-establishment parties in Europe and beyond.
So, rather than taking comfort in populist parties’ relatively
weak
performance in this month’s election, Germany’s political class should take action.
First, it is important to acknowledge that
weak
aggregate demand and anemic economic growth, not an acceleration in the labor-displacement rate, explains the slow jobs growth of the last decade.
Banks that failed the stress test and didn’t take the result seriously are partly to blame, but so, too, are regulators who did not sufficiently hold the banks’ feet to the fire to improve their balance sheets, and who may have applied stress tests that were too
weak
to detect financial frailty.
But everyone cannot have a
weak
currency at the same time, so, in 1944, responsibility for preventing beggar-thy-neighbor depreciation was assigned to the International Monetary Fund, whose Articles of Agreement mandate it to “exercise firm surveillance over the exchange-rate policies” of member countries.
In parts of the world where the rule of law is weak, criminal networks and corruption displace democratic processes.
In this scenario, integration could at most take the form of “colonization,” under which banks from fiscally strong countries use their lower cost of capital to buy up banks in fiscally
weak
countries.
Two decades ago, in their book Changing Fortunes, Paul Volcker and Toyo Gyohten underscored the glaring double standard of crisis resolution: “When the [International Monetary] Fund consults with a poor and
weak
country, the country gets in line.
It was clear that they had become more vulnerable due to loss of competitiveness,
weak
governance, and lack of transparency.
Badly regulated banking sectors, feeble market structures, and
weak
competition, as well as trade and current-account restrictions, were also among the shortcomings identified.
Fourth, repeated street protests, combined with a
weak
police force, fuel small pockets of criminal activity.
The problem is that the Basel capital rules – whether Basel I, II, or III – are of no help in separating the
weak
banks from the sound ones.
By contrast, many developing economies have insufficient digital infrastructure,
weak
innovation and investment capacity, and thin skills base.
Indeed, NGOs often assume tasks for which the current structure of the UN is unsuited or remains far too
weak.
Russia is also economically
weak
because of its dependence on oil revenue at a time when prices are down dramatically.
By highlighting them, I don’t mean to downplay the importance of other issues – US monetary policy,
weak
commodity prices, debt crises, and the like – that are likely to affect the global economy in the year ahead.
The sector’s domestic value chain is woefully
weak.
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