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Wages in sentence

1758 examples of Wages in a sentence

As US and European unemployment rates remain high and wages stagnate, people increasingly rely on such diverse income streams.
With China’s wages soaring and rising oil prices driving up shipping costs, production in Mexico is suddenly looking much more attractive, even taking security concerns into account.
During the oil boom, the state increased public-sector wages and social-welfare transfers – and thus was a major contributor to households’ growing prosperity.
Politicians and economists have been stoking fears among German citizens about the massive costs of the influx of refugees, which has intensified the struggle over high and rising levels of inequality in wealth and wages.
The culprit in this pessimistic view is the so-called "Balassa-Samuelson" effect: rapid productivity growth in the accession candidates' tradable sectors - export manufacturing, for example - is pushing up real wages throughout their economies, including in non-tradable sectors like services.
This overall rise in real wages in the face of lower productivity growth for the service sector boosts relative prices and keeps inflation above the eurozone average.
They will be driven to tolerate higher inflation as a means of forcing investors into real assets, to accelerate deleveraging, and as a mechanism for facilitating downward adjustment in real wages and home prices.
The second step would be to shift the corporate tax base from profits reported to have been earned in a country to sales made and wages paid in that country.
Inequality would widen, with great wealth for the few and low wages for the many, followed by a traumatic bust – in which the wealthy again do fine, the middle class is ground down to poverty, and the social safety net is ripped to shreds.
A better approach is to develop the skills needed to foster a domestic lithium industry, which can provide good jobs and good wages.
Indeed, productivity growth in India’s service sector matches productivity growth in China’s manufacturing sector, thereby reducing poverty by enabling wages to rise.
The good news is that reducing inequality by creating jobs for the poor may prove to be faster than altering the entire structure of wages.
Over the medium term, wages depend on productivity, which in turn depends crucially on higher-quality education and training for the poor, which Latin American countries certainly need.
The main culprit is technological change that automates routine manual and cognitive tasks, while increasing demand (and wages) for highly skilled workers.
The theory’s big idea is that if wages and prices are completely flexible, resources will be fully employed, so that any shock to the system will result in instantaneous adjustment of wages and prices to the new situation.
The inescapable information deficit obstructs all those smoothly working adjustment mechanisms – i.e., flexible wages and flexible interest rates – posited by mainstream economic theory.
And, like many of them, China is now facing a “middle-income trap”: as wages rise, its low-end manufacturing is losing global competitiveness while government policies, endemic corruption, and dominant state-owned enterprises are stifling the type of private-sector innovation that China needs most to generate products and services with higher added value.
Rather than using the oil windfall to pay for long-overdue reforms in health care, education, and utilities – and thus helping to ensure the macroeconomic stability needed to sustain rapid long-term growth – President Vladimir Putin has chosen large spending increases for public wages and pensions.
Germany now boasts a booming economy, near full employment, rising wages, and content unions.
As neither Germany’s unions nor its welfare state would accept falling wages, the result was higher unemployment and slower growth.
Only if wages adjust downward to accommodate the new international environment can German workers become competitive again, so that the country returns to a higher employment level, exploiting its human capital up to the capacity constraint.
The key to recovery, then, is to tax the rich, increase transfers, and restore worker incomes by enhancing union bargaining power and raising minimum wages.
Countries like Germany that reformed labor laws to create more flexibility for employers, and did not raise wages rapidly, seem to be in better economic shape than countries like France and Spain, where labor was better protected.
Unfortunately, past spending pushed up wages, without a commensurate increase in productivity, leaving the heavy spenders indebted and uncompetitive.
But the assumption that Trump’s policies will lead to higher prices and wages doesn’t square with the details of his proposals.
The top rate has increased from 28% to 39.6% on wages and salaries, and to more than 43% on some forms of investment income.
And production workers’ wages rose 2.4%, faster than prices.
For example, he has asked firms to increase their workers’ wages, and many firms are planning to provide a larger bonus than usual at the end of the fiscal year in March.
It knows that the bureaucratic apparatus remains outrageously large, and that civil servants retain numerous expensive perks - cars, dachas, medical services, and more - while most ordinary Russians scrape by on meager wages and vegetable gardens.
This is not a sound industrial or economic policy, and it will do nothing to help raise wages or create good jobs across the country.
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